Pp. 14—18. At four points, where the emperor had been wont to receive his guests, the arrangements are made as if he were still alive. 14. 狄設,—in the Le Ke, Bk. 祭統, p. 22, we find—翟者, 樂吏之賤者; andassuming that 翟 and 狄 are interchangeable, the 狄here are commonly described as ＇the attendants on the musicians＇. In the 喪꺶記, Pt. i., p. 3, again, we find狄人設階, which is more to the point, showing that certain 狄 or 狄人 were employed in performing the more servile offices at the ceremonies of funerals and mourning. I suppose they were natives of some of the wild Teih tribes; and we know that some of the 虎賁, or＇guards＇ were taken from those people. I have ventured to translate the character by our old term ＇salvage＇, which seems to convey a less intense meaning than savage. 黼扆綴衣,—we have seen the meaning of 綴衣 on p. 10. What was called 黼扆 is represented as a screen, with axe-heads figured on it, which was placed under the canopy that overshadowed the emperor, and behind him. As to the meaning of the terms, the 爾雅, Bk. II., sect. 釋宮, says that ＇the space, east and west, between the window and the door, was called 扆 (牖戶之間謂之扆, 注云, 窓東戶西也). Here the screen in question was placed; and we may believe, with manyof the critics, that from its place it took its name. [The only difficulty in the way of this is that in the 爾雅 the character is in the lst tone; whereas in combination with 黼, it is pronounced in the 2d.] Anything painted or embroidered black and white alternately is said to be 黼. The 爾雅, sect. 釋器 says that ＇an axe is called 黼, the wooden handle being black as compared with the glittering head and edge＇. However this be, the screen about which we are concerned is called indifferently斧扆 and 黼扆, the axe-heads on it being understood to be emblematic of the decision of the imperial determinations. We are to understand that four such screens and tents were arranged in the four positions immediately indicated. Gaubil is wrong in translating both 狄 and 黼扆, in the singular.—＇L＇officier appelle Tie eut soin de mettre en état I＇ecran, sur lequel etoient representées des haches.＇ We are to understand also that all these and other arrangements were made by the direction of the Grand-Guardian. The 命 of the preceding paragraphs is to be conceived to be constantly repeated.
15. The first tent and screen were placed in front of the ＇rear hall＇ belonging to the private apartments, of course directly fronting the south. There the king was in the habit of giving audience to his ministers and to the princes (此平時見羣巨, 覲諸侯之坐). 牖間 wouldseem, to mean ＇between the windows;＇ but from the account of 扆, given above from the 爾雅, we must take 牖 as an abbreviation for 牖戶之間;—as in the translation.
敷重篾席,—敷=設, or 鋪, ＇to spread out＇. On these mats the king sat; there were three of them, one over the other; and the text would lead us to suppose that all those mentioned here were made of bamboo splints woven together, having the edges bound with silk stripes of black and white alternating (黼 is explained above; 純 [read chun, 2d tone]= 緣, ＇a border＇). Ying-tǎ, however, quotes a passage of the Chow Le, Bk. XX, on the duties of the 司几筵, which, while it throws considerable light on the text, states that the three mats were each of a difft. material, and that each had its peculiar border.—凡꺶朝覲, 太饗射, 凡封國命諸侯, 王位設黼依, 依前南鄉, 設莞筵紛純, 加繅席畫純,加次席黼純, 左右냫幾. This passage, as translated (not quite accurately, but sufficiently so for my purpose) byBiot, is:—＇En general, dans les grands banquets, dans les ceremonies ou l＇on tire de l＇arc, où un royaume est concédé en fief, où un grand dignitaire est nomme, il dispose le paravent brodóen noir et blanc, à la place que doit occupier l＇empereur. Le devant du paravent fuit face an midi. Il place la matte en jones fins àbordure varióe. Il ajoute la natte à lisière qui a une bordure peinte. Il ajoute la natte à rangées qui a une bordure mélangée de noir et de blanc. A gauche et àdroite sout les petits bancs en jade pour s＇appuyer.＇Gan-kwǒ thinks that 篾 [this character is disputed] 席is the 次席 of the above passage, the topmost of the three mats, the historian not thinking it necessary to describe the others particularly. Possibly it may be so; but the point is really not of much importance. 華냫仍幾,—華냫=彩色之냫, ＇gems of variegated colours＇. The bench was adorned with such. 仍 is used as an adj.,=＇usual＇, ＇ordinary＇; intimating that the bench was the same which was used in such position by the living emperor (仍, 因也, 因눃時所設). Woo Ch＇ing, however, explains the term differently, but by no means in so satisfactory a manner. He says:—仍幾謂雖飾之漆之, 尚仍其質, 其뀗不皆滅質也, 吉事尚뀗, 凶事尚質故爾, ＇The benches are called 仍幾, because, though they wereornamented and lacquered, their proper material could still be distinguished, its substance not all concealed by the ornamenting. The reason of this was that in festive matters the ornamental takes the prominence; but on occasions of mourning and sorrow, the simple and substantial. Perhaps we ought to translate 幾 in the plural, acc. to the pass. of the Chow Le just referred to.
16. In the side space on the west, facing the east,they placed the different rush mats, with their variegated border; and the usual bench, adorned with veined tortoise-shell.
17. In the side space on the east, facing the west, the put the different mats of fine grass, with their border of painted silk; and the usual bench carved and adorned with gems.
18. Before the western side-chamber, facing the south, they placed the different mats of fine bamboo,with their dark mixed border; and the usual lacquered bench.
16. 西序東嚮,—it is difficult without a picture to get for one＇s-self or to give the reader an idea of the序. They were on the front hall (前堂) of the private apartments. The wall which was the boundary of this portion of the ＇hall＇ did not extend all the way across, and from the extremity of it short walls were built towards the south, coming forward to about a line with the pillars that supported the roof. These walls were originally called the 序, acc. to the 爾雅;—東西牆謂之序. They were so called, as ＇fencing or differencing between the inside and out＇ (所以序別內늌). The screen and tent here spoken of were placed,I believe, in the side space between the 序 and outer wall of the hall. The 東嚮 is descriptive of the position of this space, and is not to be understood of the aspect of the screen and mats which must always have been＇towards the south＇. Gaubil translates 西序 by ＇devant I＇appartement occidental,＇ and Medhurst by ＇in the western ante-chamber;＇ but both are wrong. The space was not an ＇apartment＇, but a portion of the hall with its own designation. Here the emperor, morning and evening, took his seat to listen to affairs of business(此旦夕聽事之坐也). 底席,—＇bottom mats＇. Ma Yung,Wang Suh, and Gan-kwǒ all say that these mats (orat least the bottom one of them) were made of 青蒲, ＇green rushes or reeds;＇ and I have so translated.K＇ang-shing thinks that bamboo mats, the splints veryfine, were intended (厎, 致也, 篾纖致席也). It is really all guess work. 綴 is supposed to have the sense of 雜彩, ＇variegated＇ 17 ..東序西嚮,—comp. on last par. At this point the emp. feasted his ministers and the elders of the kingdom (此養國老, 饗羣臣之坐). 豐席,—＇greator superior mats＇. Mats made of a kind of grass called莞 (kwan) are probably meant;—why they were named 豐席 I cannot tell. The 集傳 calls them 筍席, by mistake apparently for 莞席. 畫=彩色, i.e., silk painted in various colours. 18. 西夾南嚮,—this appears to have been the 西夾室, ＇western side apartment,＇ i.e.,of the ＇rear hall,＇ responding to that on the east, which was the ＇wing apartment＇ (翼室), occupied for the time by prince Ch＇aou as the place of mourning. Here the emperor had his private meals (此私燕之坐). 筍席,—筍 is commonly used for ＇the young and edible shoots of bamboo;＇ here it is read yun, and means a soft,fiexible species of bamboo, of which mats were made.玄紛純—＇dark mixed border＇. How it was mixed, I don＇t know. Perhaps the silk edging was all dark, but of different shades. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ says:—其席之緣, 則以黑色之繪雜為之. The reason, it is said, for preparing all these places, as if king Ching had been still alive, was to afford so many resting places for his spirit, which it was presumed would be present at the ceremony of communicating his dying charge to his son.
19. They set forth also the five kinds of gems, and the precious things of display. There were the red knife, the great lessons, the large convex symbol of gem, and the rounded and pointed maces,—all in the side space on the west; the large gem, the gems from the wild tribes of the east, the heavenly sounding stone, and the river plan,—all in the sidechamber on the east; the dancing habits of Yin, the large tortoise-shell, and the large drum,—all in the western apartment; and the spear of Tuy, the bow of Ho, and the bamboo arrows of Suy,—all in the eastern apartment.
They could not tell at what particular spot it would choose to be, and therefore would enable it to have a choice. As Ts＇ae expresses it, 將傳先王顧命, 知神之在此乎, 在彼乎, 故兼設平눃之坐.
P. 19. Display of various precious relies.
越냫五重陳寶,—this clause covers the rest of the par., which gives in detail the gems and precious relies, with the places in which they were set forth. Ying-tǎ has noticed t his construction of the par.:—此經為下總目, 下復分別言之. I take 陳 passively, and understand a 列 before 냫, governing both it and 寶.赤刀,—＇the red knife＇. This was, no doubt, a knife which had been distinguished at some time in the history of the empire. It would be of no use wearying ourselves, as the critics have done in vain, to discover what knife it was. Concerning ＇the great lessons＇Gaubil enquires:—＇Was this the history of the empire, or some Book of religion or morals? Or the one and the other?＇ We might put such questions indefinitely. Wang Suh thought we were to understand the Canons and Counsels of Parts I. and II. Ts＇ae would go farther back, to the ＇Books of the three 皇 and five帝,＇ mentioned by Gan-kwǒ in his introduction to the Shoo; but he thinks the lessons of Wǎn and Woo may also be include! 弘 (=꺶) 璧,—see on Bk. VI., p. 4, where also the duke of Chow is represented as holding a mace (珪) in his hand. To the imperial 珪, ＇maces,＇ or＇sceptres,＇ belonged the 琬琰. From the text we should naturally have concluded that one article was intended by those terms; but from the Chow Le, Bk. XX., on the duties of the 典瑞, we learn that there was one ＇gem-token＇ called 琬, and another called 琰. They were each 9 inches long:—the former rounded, expressive of good will; the other pointed, expressive of sharp severity against evil. All these articles were exhibited in ＇the western side-space＇, behind the screen, &c., of p. 16. 꺶냫至東序,—꺶냫, ＇great gem-stone;＇ but said by K＇ang-shing to be from mount Hwa. 夷냫, ＇gemstones contributed by the E, or wild tribes of the east＇.Ts＇ae would take 夷 as=常, ＇common＇, which does not seem at all so likely a meaning. 꽭球,—see for the meaning of 球, on the ＇Yih and Tseih,＇ p. 9. Gaubil thinks that 꽭球 means ＇the heavenly sphere, a celestial globe, or something else, to represent the movement of the stars.＇ But the use of the character 球 for ＇a globe＇ is quite modern. 河圖,—this was some scheme to represent the first suggestions of the eight diagrams of Fuh-he. The fable was, that a dragon-horse came forth from the waters of the Ho, having marks or signs on his back, from which that emperor got his idea. See what is said on the ＇Book of Lǒ＇, p. 321. 胤之至西房,—胤, see on the name of Pt. III. Bk. IV. 꺶貝,—＇great tortoise-shell＇. Among the gifts by which the friends of king Wǎn propitiated the tyrant Show, when he had confined the rising chief in prison, mention is made of a tortoise-shell curved as the pole of a carriage. There was a drum under the Chow dyn., called 鼖鼓, made 8 feet long.
20. The grand carriage was by the guests＇ steps,facing the south. The next carriage was by the eastern steps, facing the south. The foremost carriage was in the front of the left lobby; and the next carriage was in the front of the right lobby.
That in the text, however, would probably be a similar instrument transmitted from former times.
By the western and eastern apartments we are to understand two rooms, east and west of the 路寢, forming part therefore of the private apartments. They were behind the 夾室 of the ＇rear hall,＇ and of larger dimensions. 兌之至東房,—Tuy, Ho, and Suy were, no doubt, famous artificers of antiquity, and distinguished respectively for the making of the several articles here mentioned. That is all we can be said to know of Tuy and Ho, but Suy is supposed to be the same with Shun＇s minister of Works.
Ts＇ae suggests that the various articles here enumerated were set forth not merely as relies of the empire, but as having been favourites with king Ching:—to keep up the illusion of everything appearing as if he were there alive. He gives also a good remark from Yang She (楊時, 中庸傳):—宗器, 於祭陳之, 示能守也, 於顧命陳之, 示能傳也, ＇The articles of honour were set forth at the sacrifices, to showthat the emperor could preserve them; they were set forth at the ceremonies of announcing a testamentary charge, to show that he could transmit them.＇
P. 20. Display or imperial carriages. In the Chow Le, Bk. XXVII, on the duties of the 巾車, we have a full account of the imperial carriages, which were of five kinds,—냫, 金, 象, 革, and 木:—i.e., the grant carriage ornamented with gems; the second, ornamented with metal (gold, we may suppose); the third, ornamented with ivory; the fourth with leather and lacquered; the fifth, a wooden carriage, lacquered. Ts＇ae supposes that all the five carriages are included in the text, the grand carriage being the 냫輅 (or 路, which is the more common designation); 綴輅, ＇the connected carriage,＇ being the 金輅; 先輅, ＇the front carriage＇, the 木輅; and 次輅, ＇the next carriage (or carriages) in order,＇ both the 象輅 and the 革路. In this view he differs from all the old commentators. Gan-kwǒ, Ma Yung, and Wang Suh took the carriages in the par. to be those of the Chow Le in the order of their rank, the fourth, or leather carriage—the chariot of war—being omitted; as inappropriate to the occasion. K＇ang-shing had a view of his own. The 꺶輅 was with him, as the others, the 냫路, but the 綴輅 was also a 냫路 No. 2, while the 先輅 and the 次輅were the 象路 and a 象路 No. 2 (냫路之貮, 泉路之貳). Ishould prefer to adopt the view of Gan-kwǒ and those who agree with him. There can be no satisfactory explanation given of the names 綴, 先, and 次, and our course is simply to translate them as we best can. The carriages were all arranged inside the Loo (路) gate; and this gives us some idea of the dimensions of the palace, or the ground which it inclosed, as two carriages could stand opposite to each other (and not close together, we may suppose) between the gate and the steps by which the hall was ascended. On the west of the hall were the guests＇ steps, those by which visitors ascended; on the east were those appropriate to the host, the 主階, called here 阼階. The front of those steps was of course towards the south. The 爾雅 says—門側之堂謂之塾, ＇Halls by the side of the gate were called 塾.＇ We may translate 塾 by ＇lobby＇. Ts＇ae observes that the carriages were thus displayed, as in the case of the screens, tents, and relics, that everything might be done as when the king was alive. The student will ask where they were brought inside the Loo gate.
21. Two men in brownish leather caps, and holding three-cornered halberds, stood inside the gate leading to the private apartments: Four men in caps of spotted deer-skin, holding spears with up-turned blades, stood one on each side of the steps east and west, and near to the platform of the hall. One man in a great officer＇s cap, and holding an axe, stood in the hall near thefront at the east end. One man in a great officer＇s cap,and holding a somewhat different axe, stood in the hall, near the front at the west end. One man in a great officer＇s cap, and holding a lance, stood at the front and eastern end of the hall.
Of course they were brought, by the officer called 典路, from their usual houses or repositories. How they were brought inside the Loo gate cannot be explained so clearly. Ming-shing says that from the Loo to the Kaou or outer gate there was a level way. This is not the case now in the structure of the large public buildings from which I have endeavoured to give a general idea of king Ching＇s palace.
P. 21. Arrangement of guards about the gate and hall. 二人至之內,—弁 is sometimes used as a general designation for all coverings of the head used in ancient times. Here it denotes a leathern cap worn by guards, and which is figured something like a冕, having the surmounting cover, but no pendents attached. 雀弁,—＇sparrow cap,＇ i.e., acc. to K＇ang-shing, with reference to the colour, which was like a male sparrow＇s head. The 惠 was a species of 矛, a kind of spear or lance, sharp-pointed, with hooks bending downwards (凡矛上銳땤旁勾, 土銳所以象物之芒, 旁勾, 所以象物之눃). Gan-kwǒ says the 惠 was 三隅矛,＇a three-cornered maou＇. I suppose the point above the＇hooks＇ was fashioned in this way, which would make it more a halberd than a spear. We have seen that 畢門 is another name for 路門. These two men stood,each on one side, inside the fifth gate, within whicheverything yet described had been transacted. 四人至階戺,—the 綦弁 was different in form from the 雀弁,in being without the surmounting cover. It was made of the skin of a spotted deer, probably the axis. The戈 spear had a blade with upturned edge, projecting on one side from the base of the point. 堂廉曰戺, ＇The side of the platform of the hall was called 戺.＇ ＇The two stairs＇ are mentioned in the last par. We are to conceive of a guard accoutred as described, standing near the platform of the hall on each side of the steps by which it was ascended.
一人至西堂,—the 冕 here was of the same form as that worn by the emperor, but distinguished from it by the number of the pendents and the nature of the gems strung upon them. The critics are probably right in determining that the 冕 here was that worn by a 꺶夫 or ＇great officer,＇ having ＇five pendents with black gems＇. 鉞 is the common name for ＇a battle-axe＇. The劉 was a weapon of the same kind, but with some peculiarity of form, which it is difficult to ascertain. By 西堂 and 束堂 we are to understand the portion of the ＇front hall＇ or platform east and west, in front of the two 序 described on par. 19. K＇ang-shing says:—序內半以前曰堂, 此立於東西堂者, 當在東西廂近階땤立也. 一人至西垂,—戣 and 瞿, are described as being varieties of the 戟, ＇a spear or lance with three points＇.I do not think that their exact form can be determined.
One man, in a great officer＇s cap, and holding asomewhat different lance, stood at the front and western end of the hall. One man in a great officer＇s cap, and holding a pointed weapon, stood by the steps on the north.
22. The king, in a hempen cap and a variously adorned skirt, ascended by the guests＇ steps, followed by the nobles and princes of States, in hempen caps and black ant-coloured skirts. Having entered, they all took their places.
23. The Grand-protector, the Grand historiographer,and the minister of Religion were all in hempen caps and red skirts.
See the figures in Ch＇ing Yaou-teen＇s (程瑤田) 考工創物께言, in the 皇清經解, 卷五百三十七. The dict.defines 垂 by 堂之盡處, 近階者, ＇the extremities of thehall, near the steps＇. These men stood east and west respectively from the bearers of the 劉 and the 鉞. See Yaou-teen＇s 釋官께記, 經解卷五百三十五. 一人至側階,—Ts＇ae says that 銳 ought to be 鈗, after Yingtǎ, and on the authority of the 說뀗, which, however,only defines the character as ＇a weapon grasped by the imperial attendants＇ (侍臣所執兵). 側階,—＇the side steps;＇ but both Ts＇ae and Këang Shing agree in saying that the steps on the north of the hall, of which there was only one fiight are to be understood. Shing says:—側階, 北下階也, 在北堂之下, 側之言特, 北堂惟一階, 故曰側階. So, also Ying-tǎ, who observes further, that ＇of the seven weapons mentioned in this par. it is only the 戈 of which we have any particular account. Of the rest we have no description. The names and forms of ancient and modern weapons being different, we cannot arrive at any certain knowledge about the various arms here mentioned. Wang Suh contented himself with saying that the characters were names of ancient weapons.＇
Pp. 22—24. The announcement of the testamentary charge; and the manner of it. All was now ready for the grand ceremony and all the performers, in their appropriate array, take their places in the hall. 22. 麻冕,—see Ana, IX., iii. —黼裳,the skirt of the emperor＇s dress on sacrificial occasions was variously adorned. See the ＇Yih and Tseih＇, p. 4. The ＇axe＇ (黼) was one of the figures upon it, and Ying-tǎ supposes it is mentioned here, by synecdoche, for all the others. It may be so; but I take 黼, as in p. 15. Ch＇aou is here for the first time called ＇king＇; but still he goes up by ＇the guests＇ steps, not presuming to ascend by the others,while his father＇s corpse was in the hall. 隮=升. 蟻裳,—＇ant skirts＇; meaning dark, like the colour of ants.＇They all entered and took their places;＇ i.e., the places proper to them, according to their various ranks.23. 太保至彤裳—we can easily see how the three dignitaries here mentioned should take the prominent part in the ceremony which they did. Their skirts were of a pale red colour (彤=纁),—the proper colour of their sacrificial dress. 介圭,—＇the grand mace＇ (介=꺶),a cubit and 2 inches long, called also 鎮圭. See the Chow Le, Bk. XIII., on the duties of the 냫人.
The Grand-protector bore the great mace. The minister of Religion bore the cup, and the macecover. These two ascended by the eastern steps. The Grand-historiographer bore the testamentary charge.He ascended by the guests＇ steps, and advanced to the king with the record of the charge, saying,
24. "Our great lord, leaning on the gem-adorned bench, declared his last charge, and commanded you to continue the observance of the lessons, and to take the rule of the empire of Chow, complying with the great laws, and securing the harmony of the empire, so as to respond to and display the bright instructions of Wăn and Woo."
It belonged to the emperor, and was one of the emblems of his sovereignty. 上宗,—this was, no doubt, the minister of Religion, the 宗伯 of Bk. XX., p. 9. In the Chow Le he is called 꺶宗伯, and immediately subordinate in his department were the two 께宗伯.＇Thus＇, says K＇ang-shing, ＇there were three 宗伯. By上宗 here are intended the 꺶宗伯 and one of the 께宗伯, one of them carrying the 同, and the other the瑁.＇ This view may be rejected without hesitation. 上宗 is the 宗伯 par eminence, so denominated probably as superior to the two 께宗伯. 同 is defined—爵名,＇the name of a cup＇. It must have been some particular cup which the emperor only had the right to employ in sacrificing .瑁,—see on the ＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 7. This was what I have called there ＇a sort of frame by which the genuineness of the gem-tokens conferred on the difft. princes was tested.＇ We see here that it was itself made of gem. We can easily understand how the other tokens or maces could be tested by it; but it is not explained how it was applied to the 璧圭. The Grand-guardian and the minister of Religion ascended by the east or emperor＇s steps, because the authority of king Ching was, as it were, in their persons, to be conveyed in the present ceremony to his son. 書 is the testamentary charge which the historiographer had written or graved on tablets by the guardian＇s order;—see par. 12. He ascended by the guests＇ steps, being only an employé in the premier＇s department. Other reasons for his doing so have been assigned;—unsatisfactorily. 御 here is best defined by 進, and 御王冊命=以冊命進於王. 24. 曰,—＇saying＇. Some make命the nominative to this, as if what follows were what had been written. But this is not to be supposed.What was written was what the king had spoken, as recorded in parr. 4—9. In presenting the record the historiographer made the brief speech which is here given. 道揚末命=宣揚臨終之命. 命汝嗣訓=命汝嗣守뀗武之꺶訓, ＇charged you to continue to keep the great lessons of Wǎn and Woo＇. 臨君周邦,—＇to descend andbe sovereign over the country (=empire) of Chow＇. 꺶卞=꺶法, ＇the great laws＇.
25. The king twice bowed low, and then arose, and said, "I am utterly insignificant and but a child; how can I be able to govern the four quarters of the empire with such a reverent awe of the dread majesty of Heaven?"
26. He then received the cup and the mace-cover.Thrice he advanced with a cup of spirits; thrice he sacrificed; and thrice he put the cup down. The minister of Religion said, "It is accepted."
This clause seems to declare that the emperor was not absolute, but subject to certain constitutional laws. Sëě Ke-seuen, however, would make ＇the great law＇ to be that delivered by Shun to Yu in Pt. II., Bk II., p. 15.
Pp. 25, 26. Ch＇aou＇s acceptance of the sovereignty.眇, derived from the eye and small, has the sense of＇little＇, ＇insignificant＇. The repetition of it expresses that idea strongly. The whole expression—眇眇予末께子is a very humble designation of himself by the new emperor. 땤亂,—亂 is in the sense of 治. The critics nearly all take 땤=如, and complete the meaning—其能如꿵祖治四方, ＇can I govern the four quarters of the empire as my ancestors did?＇ This does not seem to be necessary. 其能땤亂四方=其何能땤治四方, according to a common usage of 땤. 敬忌꽭威,—comp. 敬迓꽭威 in par. 6. 敬忌 occurred in Bk. IX.,p. 19. 26. 乃受同瑁,—the king received these things from the minister of Religion, who had taken them up to the hall. ＇He received them,＇ says K＇ang-shing, ＇one with each hand;＇ but we do not know the manner of the action. Nothing is said of his receiving ＇the great mace,＇ which the guardian had borne up. No doubt he had received it, and disposed of it somehow. 三宿, 三祭, 三吒,—Ts＇ae after Gan-kwǒ defines 宿 by 進厥,＇advanced the cup＇. K＇ang-shing says:—宿, 肅也, 徐行前日肅, ＇宿 i.q.肅, meaning to go gently forward.＇ The two definitions, it will be seen, may admit of a similar interpretation. When the king received the record of the charge he was standing at the top of the western steps a little eastwards, with his face to the north. The historiographer stood by king Ching＇s coffin, on the south west of it with his face to the east. There he read the charge, after which the king bowed twice, and the minister of Religion, on the south west of the king with his face to the north, presented the cup and macecover. The king took them, and having given cover in charge to an attendant, advanced with the cup to the place between the pillars where the sacrificial spirits were placed. Having filled a cup, he advanced to the east of the coffin, and stood with his face to the west;then going to the spot where his father＇s spirit was supposed to be, he sacrificed, pouring out the spirits on the ground after which he put the cup on a bench appropriated for it. This he repeated three times. Such is the account of the ceremony given by Ying-tǎ,which must be nearly correct, if it be not so in every particular. He says three different cups were used,while we should rather suppose that the sacrifices were all made with one,—the 同 which is mentioned. The account in this point, however, agrees better with the三吒, 吒 being taken in the sense of 奠爵, ＇to set down a cup＇. There is a difference of opinion both as to the form and meaning of this character. On these points Ch＇in Leih has said:—＇There are two explanations of 吒. Gan-kwǒ defined it as meaning 奠爵, "to put down a cup;" and most scholars have concurred in his view. Soo Shih, however, considered that it meant"to raise to the teeth without drinking," like 嚌, in the par. below. At first I was inclined to agree with Soo, principally because of the ＇mouth＇ (껙) at the side of the character. Subsequent examination altered this view. 吒 is a mistake for 㓃, with which the 說뀗quotes the passage. Gan-kwǒ＇s explanation ought not to be altered. If 吒 and 嚌 were the same in meaning,why should we not find one or the other of them in the two contiguous paragraphs?＇
27. The Grand-protector received the cup, descended the steps, and washed his hands. He then took another cup, and in his hand a half mace, in order to make the responsive sacrifice. Having given the cup to an attending officer, he did obeisance. The king returned the obeisance.
28. The Grand-protector then took back the cup, and sacrificed with it. He then just tasted the sacrificial spirits, returned to his place, gave the cup to the attendant, and did obeisance. The king returned the obeisance.
29. The Grand-protector descended from the hall,when the various articles were removed, and the princes all went out from the temple gate and waited.
See the 集說. 上宗曰饗,—both Gan-kwǒ and Wang Suh explain this—＇The minister of Religion said to the king, "Drink now;" "referring to the custom for the offerer to drink some of the sacrificial wine, and so receive blessing from the spirit or spirits sacrificed to. I prefer to take the meaning as in the translation. The＇Daily Explanation＇ says:—宗伯乃傳神命땤言曰, 先王已饗之矣.
Pp. 27—29. How the Grand-protector concluded the ceremony. 27 .太保受同,—the 同 here must be that which the king had used. If we are to suppose with Gan-kwǒ that a difft. cup was employed for each libation, I should think that the 同 may have been used to fill them. 降盥,——＇descendedi.e., went down the steps, putting the cup back into a basket (下堂反於篚)—and washed his hands＇. It was customary to wash the hands before offering sacrifice. The 璋 is described as a ＇half mace carried by ministers＇ (半圭曰璋, 臣所奉). Its make is called 邸剡, in the Chow Le, Bk. XX., 典瑞. With the new cup and this mace the guardian again ascended the steps—以酢=以報祭, ＇to return the sacrifice;＇ here, it seems to me= ＇to repeat the sacrifice＇, ＇to offer a second sacrifice＇. The young king had in his sacrifice acknowledged to the spirit of his father that he had received his testamentary charge; it now belonged to the Grand-guardian to inform the same spirit that he had communicated that charge. 授宗人同拜=以授宗人땤拜. By 宗人 we areto understand one of the employés in the dept. of the minister of Religion. The ＇bowling＇ was to the spirit of the departed king, represented probably by a tablet, where it was supposed to rest. The guardian could not bow, and carry the cup and mace at the same time; he therefore handed them to the attendant. —王答拜,the king returned the obeisance as for his father.
28. 嚌,—see on 吒 in the last par. 宅=居. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ expands it into—退居其所立之位. 拜, 王答拜,—as in the last par. Many critics, however, say that the bows were made to the new king, and returned by him for himself. I do not think this is unlikely.The critics have not borne sufficiently in mind that the service described in this Book was one of an extraordinary character. 29. 收=有司收撤器用, ＇the proper officers removed the apparatus of the service＇.廟門—this is the Loo gate. The private apartments had for the time, through the presence of the coffin and by the sacrifices, been converted into a sort of ancestral temple.
俟—＇waited＇; i.e., they waited to have an audience of the new sovereign.
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