第34章

BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE.

BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE.

1. In the fourth month, when the moon began to wane, the king was indisposed.

2. On the day Këě-tsze, he washed his hands and face, his attendances put on him his cap and robes, and he sat up, leaning on the gem-adorned bench.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE. This Book brings us to the closing act of the reign and life of king Ching. His reign, according to the current chronology, lasted 37 years, ending B.C. 1079. The thing, however, is by no means certain. Nothing can be gathered on the point from the Shoo or from Sze-ma Ts＇een. Between the appointment of Keun-ch＇in, moreover, as related in the last book, and Ching＇s death, the history is almost blank. The only events chronicled, and which were authority of Ts＇een, are a coinage of round money,with a square hole in the centre, the prototypes of the modern cash; and an enactment that the manufactures of cloth and silk should be two cubits two inches wide,in pieces of forty-four cubits long.

THE NAME OT THE BOOK.—顧命, ＇The Testamentary Charge＇. Dr. Medhurst has most unfortunately rendered these characters by＇Retrospective Decree＇. 顧=還視, ＇to turn round and look＇; and 顧命 is ＇The charge given, when turning round and looking.＇ K＇ang-shing says:—囘首曰顧, 臨死囘顧而發命. ＇To turn round the head is called 顧.The king, when about to die, turned round and looked at his ministers, and so issued his charge.＇ The phrase is now generally employed for a ＇testament＇, or ＇dying charge＇, such application being derived from its use here in the Shoo. The Book is found in both the texts.

CONTENTS. King Ching, feeling that his end is near, calls his six principal ministers and other officers around his couch, and commits his son Ch＇aou to their care and guidance. The record of all the circumstances and the dying charge form a chapter ending at par. 10 with the announcement of the king＇s death. The rest of the Book is occupied with a detailed account of the ceremonies connected with the publication of the charge, and the accession of Ch＇aou to the throne. It is an interesting monument of the ways of that distant time on such occasions. M. De Guignes tells us that Father Gaubil said that if all the other Books of the Shoo had been filled with the names of instruments,dresses, arms, &c., like this, he would not have undertaken to translate the Work. The difficulties which it presents of this nature, however, are not greater than we had to encounter in translating ＇The Establishment of Government.＇

Ch. I. Pp. 1—1 0. THE S I C KNE S S;TESTAMENTARY CHARGE; AND DEATH OF KING CHING.

1. 哉生魄,—＇at the beginning of the growth of darkness,＇ = when the moon began to wane, the 16th day of the month. See on the ＇Completion of the War＇,pp. 1, 2, and 4.

3. He then called for the Grand protector Shih, the baron of Juy, the baron of T＇ung, the duke of Peih, the prince of Wei, the duke of Maou, Sze, the master of the warders, the master of the guards, the Heads of the officers,—all the superintendents of affairs.

不懌,—＇was not pleased＇. The phrase=不豫 in VI,p.1,—an euphemism, instead of saying directly that the emperor was unwell. Woo Ch＇ing observes that ＇the emperor＇s being ill is expressed by 不懌 and 不豫, and his decease by 登遐 and 宴駕, because his ministers could not bear to name such things directly.＇ 2. 甲子,—＇on the day Këǎ-tsze＇. But what day of the month this was cannot be determined. Hëa Sëen observes that＇the historians of Han conclude that it was the same day intended by 哉生魄 in the 1st par., but it is to be presumed they are wrong. In the "Completion of the War", p. 1, we read—惟一月壬辰旁死魄, 越翼日癸巳,where the day intended by 旁死魄 is determined by its calendaric name preceding. In the text here there is no such name given, and we cannot say what day 甲子was.＇ See the 集說. On the conclusion of the historians of Han, and the year of king Ching＇s death, Gaubil says:—＇Lew Hin, who lived some years B.C., and Pan Koo (班固), the historian, who flourished 70 or 80 years after Christ, place the year of the death of king Ching in 1079, B.C., and make him to have reigned 87 years; and they are followed in these points by the standard History (通鑑綱目). They add that, on this year of Ching＇s death, the day 庚戌, the 47th of the cycle, was new moon of the 4th month of the calendar of Chow, and that 甲子 was the day of full moon;—citing the text of this par. On the year B.C.,1079, the day 庚戌 was the 28th February of the Julian year, but new moon was several days after; the day 甲子was the 14th of March, and the full moon was not till several days after. Those two authors therefore make a false calculation, founded on their false principles of the motion of the sun and moon, the of the return of the period of seventy-six years. The year 1068 (or 1069) B.C. was the year of the death of king Ching; h t子,甲archhedfthendlsohedf16Mttoasayaaayowfull moon in the morning for China. The place of the sun shows that it was the 4th month of the calendar of Chow, because the equinox happened in the course of it.＇ The argument of Gaubil here agrees with that which I have presented on Bk. XII., p. 1; but the data are less sure, as we cannot be certain that 甲子 in the text should be connected with the date in the 1st par., as the reasoning supposes. I receive the impression that it should not be so connected. 王乃洮頮水=王乃用水盥手洗面. The meaning of 頮 (=靧), ＇to wash the face＇ is sufficiently established; and hence Ying-tǎ says it remains that 洮 be taken for ＇to wash the hands＇. Ma Yung made it= ＇to wash the hair＇. The 說뀗 has 沬 for頮.相被冕服,—it is not worth while to try and settle the question of what particular cap or crown and robes the king wore on this occasion. His 冕 or crowns were six, and for each there was the appropriate occasion. See on the duties of the 司服 in the Chow Le, Bk, XXI. The present was an extraordinary occasion, and no doubt his attendants settled on their principle of court etiquette the proper habit in which he should receive his ministers. The text determining nothing, however, on the point, critics are left to decide the questions which they raise, according to their several views. See Lin Che-k＇e and Këang Shing, in loc. We must leave in the same way the question undetermined of who the相 was or were. The 太僕 and officers of his dept. are probably intended. See the Chow Le, Bk. XXXI., in太僕. Ts＇ae would take the term more generally as=扶相者, ＇the supporters and assistants＇.

被冕服=以冕服被(=加在)王身. Lin Che-k＇e ingeniously refers to the practice of Confucius, Ana.X., xili. 3,—＇When he was sick, and the prince came to visit him, he had his head placed to the east, made his court robes be placed over him, and drew his girdle across them.＇

4. The king said, "Oh! my illness has greatly increased, and it will soon be over with me. The malady comes on daily with more violence and without interruption. I am afraid I may not find another opportunity to declare my wishes about my successor,and therefore I now lay my charge on you with special instructions.

The sage would not receive a visit from his prince in his undress, even though he was sick; and in the same spirit king Ching would be properly arrayed on the occasion in the text. 憑玉幾—we are to conceive of the king seated on a mat, and leaning forward in his weakness on the bench or stool before him. The benches used at various imperial ceremonies were of five kinds, of which the ＇gem-adorned＇ was the most honourable. See the Chow Le, Bk. XX., on the duties of the 司几筵. Difft. accounts are given of their size. They were all, acc. to Ma Yung, 3 feet long. Yuen Ch＇in (阮諶) says they were ＇5 feet long,and 2 feet high＇. 3. The duke of Shaou, and the other five ministers mentioned, were no doubt the six K＇ing of Bk. XX. On the death of the duke of Chow,the duke of Shaou had succeeded him as 冢宰, or prime minister, retaining also his dignity of ＇GrandGuardian＇.

A baron of Juy is mentioned in the prefatory notice to one of the lost Books, as having made the Ch＇aou Ming (巢命), by order of king Woo. The one in the text may be the same, or a son of his. Juy is referred to the pres. dis. of Chaou-yih (朝邑), dep. of Se-ngan, Shense. The baron of Juy was minister of Instruction. The baron of T＇ung was probably the minister of Religion.His principality of T＇ung was in the sub. Dep. of Hwa(華州), dep. of T＇ung-chow. ＇The duke of Peih,＇—see BK. XXIV. Ch＇in Sze-k＇ae says that he succeeded to the duke of Chow as chief of all the princes of the east, and in the office of Grand-Tutor. He was minister of War. ＇The prince of Wei,＇—see on the name of Bk.IX. He or his son was now the minister of Crime. ＇The duke of Maou must have been the minister of Works.He is supposed to be called Kung or ＇duke＇ here from having been appointed Grand-Assistant. Where Maou was is not certainly known.

師氏,—see on Bk. II., p. 2. By 虎臣 we are to understand the 虎賁 of Bk. XIX., p. 1,—the 虎賁氏 of the Chow Le, Bk. XXXI. 땡尹=땡官껣長, ＇the heads or chiefs of the various departments of officers;＇—as frequently.

We may take 御事, with Woo Ch＇ing, as a general designation of all the ministers and officers mentioned.It is said that the king sent ＇a common summons＇ for them all to come to his presence (同召). On common occasions the order to repair to the imperial presence was given to the ＇six K＇ing,＇ who would ＇lead on the officers belonging to their several departments＇ (see Bk. XX, p. 13); but on the present extraordinary occasion the order was sent directly to all, of whatever rank. Such at least is the explanation given of the phrase 同召.

Pp. 4—9. The king＇s charge. 4. The severity and dangerous of his illness, rendering it necessary for him to take that opportunity of making his wishes known to them. 疾大漸惟幾,—疾 is the general name for sickness or disease. When the sickness is severe,the term 病 is used. 漸=進, ＇to advance＇, ＇to grow＇. 幾 is defined by 殆 or 危, ＇perilous＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇,however, for 惟幾, gives 但幾希不絕耳, ＇it wants only a little to the extinction of my breath＇.

臻=至, ＇to come on＇. 彌=益, ＇to increase＇, or it may be construed with 留, in the sense of 終, ＇to continue＇.恐不獲誓言嗣,—＇I am afraid I shall not find theopportunity to speak solemnly and publicly about the succession.＇ This is the simplest way of construing this clause, and is that adopted by Woo Ch＇ing and Këang Shing. Gan-kwǒ＇s method, followed by Ts＇ae, is over ingenious:—恐遂死, 不得誓言以嗣續我志, ＇I am afraid I shall forthwith die, and not be able to make a public declaration to develop continuously what I have in my mind＇.

5. The former sovereigns, king Wăn and king Woo,displayed in succession their equal glory, making sure provision for the support of the people, and setting forth their instructions. The people accorded a practical submission; they did so without any opposition, so that their influence extended to Yin, and the great appointment of Heaven was secured.

6. After them, I, the stupid one, received with reverence the dread decree of Heaven, and continued to keep the great instructions of Wăn and Woo, not daring blindly to transgress them.

審訓=詳審發訓, ＇with careful exercise of thought I issue instructions＇. 5. The brilliant and successful rule of Wǎn and Woo. 昔君=先王, ＇the former kings＇. 昔 is used as an adj .宣重光,—＇published—manifested—their doubled light,＇=相繼而能明其德, as Ch＇in Ya-yen expresses it, ＇continued one the other, and could make their virtue illustrious＇. This is much better than to understand, with Ma Yung and Këang Shing, that 重光is the light of the heavenly bodies combined together, and that 宣重光 is merely a figurative description of the virtue of Wǎn and Woo, as like the brightness of the sun and moon. 奠 (=定) 麗,—comp. Bk. XVIII., p. 5. I take 麗 in the same way as there. The various views of its meaning taken by the critics all re-appear on this passage. 則肄肄不違,—肄 is found with the meanings of 習, ＇to practise,＇ and of 勞, ＇to toil＇. Gan-kwǒ takes the latter meaning, and understands the characters of Wǎn and Woo,= ＇thus they toiled; and though they toiled, they did nothing contrary to what was right＇ (뀗武勸勞, 雖勞而不違道). So, Lin Che-k＇e, as far as regards the meaning of 肄. The other meaning, however, is preferable. It was approved by Choo He, and adopted by Ts＇ae. Acc. to it, 民, ＇the people＇, is understood as the subject of 肆. There is no difficulty in this way with 不違. Këang Shing also takes this view, and attributes the repetition of 肆 to the gasping utterance of the dying king. This is not necessary. The repetition of the character gives emphasis to its meaning. I put no comma after the lst 肄, as is generally done. 用克達殷,—＇thereby they could reach to all Yin,＇ i.e., the whole empire came under their infuence.

6. How king Ching had endeavoured to discharge his kingly duties .在後껣侗—＇The stupid one who was after them.＇ So Ching designates himself. Gan-kwǒand Woo Ch＇ing find in 侗 the idea of ＇youth＇ as well as of ＇stupidity＇ (侗幼而냭有知也); but there is no such idea in the term in Ana., VIII., xvi. Këang Shing, on the authority of the 說뀗, and partly also of Ma Yung, edits—在夏后껣詗, from which he endeavours to force out the meaning of 承뀗武껣業, 在꿗夏為諸侯껣共主,＇receiving the possession of Wǎn and Woo, and being in the Central Great Land the common lord of all theprinces!＇ 敬迓꽭威,—＇I reverently met (=set myself to receive) the dread decree of Heaven.＇

By 꽭威,—is meant, no doubt, the 大命 of last par.,—the appointment to the empire, enforced by the dread requirements of Heaven from those who held it.

7. "Now Heaven has laid affliction on me, and it seems as if I should not again rise or be myself. Do you take clear note of my words, and in accordance with them watch reverently over my eldest son,Ch＇aou, and greatly assist him in the difficulties of his position.

8. Be kind to those who are far off, and help those who are near. Promote the tranquillity of the States,small and great, and encourage then to well-doing.

9. "I think how a man has to govern himself in dignity and with decorum:—do not you allow Ch＇aou to proceed heedlessly on the impulse of improper motives."

7, 8. The general duties which the ministers would have to perform for his son and successor. 今꽭至弗悟—Ts＇ae puts a comma at 疾, and joins 殆 with the words that follow, as an adverb,= ＇probably＇, ＇it is to be feared that＇. Gan-kwǒ and Këang Shing put the comma after 殆, and make it an adj., descriptive of the sickness. I prefer the former construction.

弗悟;—＇will not awake＇, i.e., to a conscious ability for my duties. 元子釗,—Ching thus declares his eldest son as his successor. Ch＇aou was the son＇s name. He is known in history by his honorary title of K＇ang (康). I have not been able to ascertain how old he was at his accession. 弘濟於艱難,—no particular hardships and difficulties are meant, in which the new emperor might be involved, but those of his position generally. As the ＇Daily Explanation＇ has it:—以宗社껣重, 基業껣大, 付껣一人, 可謂艱難矣. 柔遠能邇,—see the＇Can. of Shun,＇ p. 16. On 安勸, 云云, Ying-tǎ says—又當安勸小大眾國, 安껣, 使國得安存, 勸껣, 使相勸為善, ＇tranquillize them, making the States feel in a condition of tranquil safety; encourage them, makingthem emulate one another in well-doing＇. 遠邇 and大小庶邦 are composite designations for the whole empire. 9. Special charge to them to watch over the character of his son. 思夫人夫人,—, ＇this man,＇= ＇men＇generally, or ＇any man＇. 自亂 (=治) 於威儀,—for 威儀see on ＇The Doctrine of the Mean,＇ xxvii., 3. 貢=進,＇to advance＇. —＇非幾,improper springs,＇ i.e., of action.Choo He was asked the meaning of this phrase by one of his disciples, who said that most critics took幾 in the sense of 危, ＇perilous＇, but that he thought it should be taken as simply=事, and 非幾=非所當為껣事, ＇things which ought not to be done＇. The master answered that 幾 meant 事껣微, ＇the small beginnings or springs of things＇. Ching had in view, no doubt, the mind of his son, as the spring and regulator of all his conduct.

10. Immediately on receiving this charge, the officers retired. The tent was then carried out into the court; and on the next day, being Yih-ch＇ow, the king died.

11. The Grand-protector then ordered Chung Hwan and Nan-keung Maou to instruct Leu Keih, the prince of Ts＇e, with two shield-and-spearmen and a hundred guards, to meet the prince Ch＇aou outside the south gate, and conduct him to one of the wing apartments near to that where the king lay, there to be as chief mourner.

10. The king＇s death. 茲既受命還 (read seuen),—茲 is to be taken adverbially,=是時, ＇then＇. We must understand 羣臣, ＇all the ministers＇, as the subject of受命. 還=退, ＇retired＇, i.e., from the apartment where they had received the charge. Gan-kwǒ, as amplified by Ying-tǎ, makes the meaning to be that they retired from around the king to the ceremonial places in the apartment appropriate to their different ranks. In this way the interpreter only gives himself trouble. I prefer the simpler view.

出綴衣於庭,—we are obliged to seek a meaning for綴衣 here quite difft. from that assigned to it in Bk.XIX., p. 1, where it denotes—＇the keeper of the robes＇.K＇ang-shing would make the 衣 to mean the ＇grave clothes＇, and 綴衣= ＇they made the grave clothes＇ (連綴小殮大殮껣衣). But this view, though defended by Ming-shing, may safely be pronounced absurd.If it were to be admitted, we should have to find a third meaning for the phrase on its recurrence in p.14. Ts＇ae is right in defining it here, after Gan-kwǒ,by 幄帳, a kind of ＇tent＇, or curtains and canopy, set up over the emperor, when he held audiences. This had been prepared when he sent for his ministers to give them his last charge; and that ceremony over, it was now carried out into the court. Into what court?This question will be best answered, and the student prepared to understand the next chapter, if I refer to the form of the imperial palace in the time of Chow. It will easily be conceived by any one who has studied the architecture of the courts of the high officers throughout the empire at the present day.

The palace was much more long or deep than wide,consisting of five series of buildings, continued one after another, so that, if it had been according to etiquette, and all the gates had been thrown open,one might have walked in a direct line from the first gate to the last. The difft. buildings were separated by courts partially open and embracing a large space of ground. The gates of the different divisions, had their particular names. The first or outer gate, fronting the south, was called 皋門; the second was called 雉門; the third, 庫門; the fourth, 應門; and the fifth 路門, called also 畢門 and 虎門. Outside the second gate—the 雉門—was held the ＇outer levee,＇(外朝) when the sovereign received the princes and officers generally. Outside the 5th gate—the 路門—was held the ＇audience of government＇ (治朝), when the king met his ministers, to consult with them on the business of the State. Inside this gate were the buildings which formed the private apartments, called 路寢, in the hall of which was held ＇the inner audience＇ (內朝), and where the sovereign on occasions feasted those whom he designed specially to honour.

[Such is the general view of the palace given by Choo He. Acc. to K＇ang-shing, the second gate was the庫門, and the 錐門 was the third. Into a discussion of this point we need not enter. The gates were only gates according to our idea, in name, and included a large space, covered by a roof supported on pillars.]

The place where Ching delivered his testamentary charge was probably the hall in front of his bed chamber, a sort of throne with curtains and canopy—the 綴衣,—being provided for the occasion. When he had finished, either before or after the retirement of the ministers, he was removed back to his chamber,and the tent—so to name it—was carried out into the court, within the 路門. Medhurst mistook the meaning,and translated 出綴衣於庭, with reference to the ministers,—＇going out, they set up their tents in the courtyard＇. Gaubil saw that 綴衣 should be referred to the king; but he translated the clause by—＇On detendit les rideaux, et on les remporta,＇ taking no notice of the 於庭.

Ch. II. Pp. 11—20. PUBLIC DECLARATION OF THE KING＇S CHARGE TO HIS SUCCESSOR, WITH THE VARIOUS CEREMONIES OBSERVED ON THE OCCASION. 11. Immediate measure to recognize Ch＇aou as the successor to the throne. 太保至呂伋,—the Grand-Guardian being also the 冢宰,or ＇prime minister＇, the regulation of all matters fell to him. Of Chung Hwan and Nan-keung Maou, we know nothing more than is here related. They were, no doubt, officers of trust and distinction about the court.俾爰齊侯 simply=使齊侯, ＇to cause＇, or ＇to instruct the prince of Ts＇e＇. 俾爰=俾於, but the 爰 has little independent meaning. Këang Shing would define it by 引, ＇to lead＇ after the 說뀗; but what then becomes of the 俾, to which 爰 is merely supplementary. The prince of Ts＇e was the son of 太公, the friend and minister of king Wǎn, who had been enfeoffed by Woo with the principality of Ts＇e, the capital of which was Ying-k＇ew (營邱), in the pres. dis. of Lin-tsze, dep. of Ts＇ing-chow, Shan-tung. Keih is known in history as duke Ting (丁公 or 玎公). His place at court, say all the critics, was that of 虎賁氏, or master of the guards. If it was so, it shows the dignity of that office, that it should be held by one of the chief princes of the empire. 以二干戈虎賁땡人,—Gan-kwǒ supposed that＇the two shield-and-spearmen＇ were Hwan and Maou themselves, and that the meaning is that these officers were sent to the prince of Ts＇e to get from him a hundred of the guards under his command, whom they preceded with spear and shield, to meet the prince. But the text, as it stands, will not bear this interpretation. It does seem strange, indeed, that only two men thus armed should have been selected; but so the record says. Medhurst, by mistake, took 干 for 껜 and has rendered—＇two thousand spearmen＇. The style might have suggested to him that he was in error.

逆子劍於南門껣外,—逆=迎, ＇to meet＇. Ts＇ae and mostof the other critics suppose the 5th or the 路 gate to be that intended. They think also that Ch＇aou had been by his father＇s side at the time of his death, and that he went out purposely from the buildings in the rear, that he might be met thus publicly, and conducted back to be near the corpse as chief mourner. I cannot help thinking that by the ＇south gate＇ we are to understand the first or outer gate of all,—the 皋門. This is the view of Këang Shing, who thinks further that the prince had been absent on some expedition, and that he was now returning, just in the nick of time. This last supposition appears to me unlikely. The prince may have been absent from the palace, tho＇ not far off, when his father died, or he may have purposely gone outside, that his outrance in such a style, which was a public declaration that he had been appointed successor to the throne, might be seen by all. 延극翼室,恤宅宗,—翼室, ＇a wing apartment＇. On each side of the hall, immediately in front of the private apartments,called the 侯堂, there was a 夾室, side chamber, or wing, only not spread out, as in our idea of the wings of a house. That to which the prince was conducted was the 東夾室, ＇side chamber on the east＇. 恤宅宗=為憂居껣宗主, ＇to be the lord of the mournful dwelling＇.The ＇mourning shed＇ called 梁闇 was not yet erected.At the present stage the apartment indicated in the text was the proper one for the prince to occupy.

12. On the day Ting-maou (two days after the king＇sdeath), he ordered a record to be made of the charge,and the ceremonies to be observed in publishing it.

13. On Kwei-yew, the seventh day after, as chief ofthe west and premier, he ordered the proper officers to provide the wood for all the requirements of thefuneral. 

14. The salvage men set out the screens ornamented with figures of axes, and the tents.

15. Between the window and the door, facing the south, they placed the different mats of bamboo basket-work, with their striped borders of white and black silk; and the usual bench and adorned with different-coloured gems.

12. The writing of the charge, and of the ceremonies to be observed. The order here given is to be understood as from the Grand- Guardian. It would be given to the 內史, or ＇Recorder of the Interior,＇ who was charged with the writing of the appointments of the emperor (內史掌書王命;—see the Chow Le, Bk. XXVI.). =＇作冊度為冊書法度, to make the writing on a tablet (or tablets), and the regulations＇. For what was thus written see par. 24. The ＇regulations＇ are all the ceremonies connected with conveying the appointment of Ching to his son. Few, if any, students, I apprehend, will be found to adopt Këang Shing＇s notion, that by度 is intended 冊長短껣數, ＇the measure of the length of the tablets＇. 13. An order to prepare wood. 伯相,—no doubt the Grand-guardian is still intended. In the 1st par, of the next Bk. he is introduced as ＇leading forward all the princes of the western regions,＇ and we have seen before that he and the duke of Chow were＇the two chiefs＇, the one having under his jurisdiction the east of the empire, and the other the west. Shih is here designated accordingly, as uniting the dignities of Chief and Premier, though it is difficult to assign a reason why the compiler of the Bk. should vary his style in so perplexing a manner. Ts＇ae defines 須by 取, ＇to take＇, ＇to procure＇; but this meaning of the character is not found in the dict., nor is it necessary. We may take it as an adj,= ＇requisite＇, ＇necessary＇, and命士須材 will= ＇required from the proper officers the necessary materials,＇ those materials being probably of wood, though that is not necessarily implied in the term. So Gan-kwǒ:—命士致材木須待以供喪用. Acc.to the usual custom, the deceased monarch had been shrouded and coffined on the day 壬申, the seventh after the day of his death. The duties to him, therefore, were so far forward, that they might proceed to the announcement of his testamentary charge. There were only the shell or outer coffin (槨), and what were called the 明器, to be further provided; and it was with reference to them, I suppose, that the order in this par. was given. On those 明器, see the Le Ke, Bk. 檀弓, 下, Pt. i., p. 44, et al. It is not easy, however, to say definitely all that we are to understand here by 材. Ming-shing goes more at length into an examination of the point than any other of the critics whom I have seen.