第13章

See the introductory note to Book I. on the name of this Part of the Shoo. 先王 ＇the former king＇,= ＇the first of our kings＇. Ying-tǎ says that we know that K＇e, Shun＇s min. of agriculture, must be intended, because he is mentioned before the duke Lew. The predicates—建邦啟土—sufficiently indicate the same. K＇e was not a king, but Woo here calls him so. 篤前烈=篤厚前그功烈. K＇e is to be understood as Lew＇s＇predecessor＇. 大王,—by king T＇ae is intended Tan-foo.肇基王跡,—＇first founded the traces of imperial sway＇; see in the She King, the ＇Praise-songs of Loo＇, iv. 2, where it is said of T＇ae that ＇he dwelt on the south of mount K＇e, and began to shear the dynasty of Shang＇(居岐之陽, 寶始翦商);—not, say the critics, that he had any intention to do it, but the hearts of the people were so drawn to him, that they became devotedly attached to his House. 文考文王,—＇my deceased father Wǎn, the king Wǎn＇. We cannot well repeat the honorary title in the translation .誕膺,—＇greatly received＇; 膺=受. 以撫方夏=以撫安四方諸夏. On 夏, see the Can. of Shun, p. 20. 大邦畏其力, 小邦懷其德,—this passage isquoted, as from ＇the Books of Chow＇, in the 左傳, 襄三十二年. 大統,—＇the great united whole＇. 未集=未集於其身, ＇was not yet collected in his person＇.

In nine years, however, the whole empire was not collected under his rule, and it fell to me, who am but a little child, to carry out his will.

6. Detesting the crimes of Shang, I announced to great Heaven and the sovereign Earth, to the famous hill and the great river, by which I passed, saying, ＇I,Fă, the principled, king of Chow, by a long descent,am about to have a great righting with Shang. Show,the king of Shang, is without principle, cruel and destructive to the creatures of Heaven, injurious and tryrannical to the multitudes of the people, chief of the vagabonds of the empire, who collect about him asfish in the deep, and beasts in the prairie.

[In the ＇Doctrine of the Mean,＇ xviii., 3, it is said that＇the duke of Chow completed the virtuous course of Wǎn and Woo,＇ and that he carried up the title of king to T＇ae and Ke, and sacrificed to all the former dukes above them with the imperial ceremonies.＇ As it was thus the duke of Chow who carried up the title of king to Tan-foo and Ke-leih, completing what Woo had left undone, it has been asked how we find those titles here in the mouth of king Woo. I apprehend that the merit of the duke of Chow was in extending the practice of honouring ancestors, beyond the circle of the imperial family, to ＇the princes, the great officers and scholars, and the common people＇. King Woo no doubt took counsel on the subject with his brother the duke of Chow. Perhaps it was by his advice that he did it; but there can be no doubt that he had conferred the titles mentioned in the text. The thing is commemorated in the Le Ke, the Bk. 大傳, p. 2. I give the whole paragraph here, because it gives s strong confirmation not only to this par., but also to the two preceding ones.—牧之野, 武王之大事也, 既事而退, 柴於上帝, 祈於社, 設奠於牧室, 遂率天下諸侯執豆籩, 逡奔走, 追王大王亶父, 王季歷, 文王昌, 不以卑臨尊.]

Pp. 6—8. He relates the prayer which he addressed to the spirits of Heaven and Earth, of mount Hwa and the Ho, in contemplation of the engagement with Show. 6. 厎商之罪,—there is much difficulty in giving any appropriate meaning to 厎. It has been defined by 至, 致, and 極數. The last is given in the ＇Daily Explanation＇; the ＇detesting＇ in the translation is as allowable, and that is all that can be said for it. 皇天后土,—comp. what was said on the phrase 天地 in Bk.I., Pt. i. p. 3. This is the only place in the Shoo where the combination 後土 occurs. Ying-tǎ understands, I think correctly, by 名山 mount Hwa, and the Ho by大川. Critics generally take 山 and 川 in the plural.We must understand, of course, that Woo made his announcement to the spirits of Heaven, Earth, the mountain, and the river. 有道曾孫,—I take 有道 and 曾孫 as in apposition. Such is the view of Ying-tǎ, who observes that Woo, in asking the help of the spirits, and speaking of himself in contrast with Show would not affect a false humility. Ts＇ae and others say that by ＇the principles＇ Woo refers to his forefathers, and construe the phrase as under the regimen of 曾孫, which means literally ＇great-grandson＇. 周王發,—Ts＇ae supposes that 周王 is an interpolation,—which seems very likely. 大正,—comp. the use of 正 in the ＇Speech of T＇ang＇, p. 2,—不敢不正. 暴殄天物,—殄=絕, ＇todestroy utterly＇.

I, who am but a little child, having obtained the helpof virtuous men, presume reverently to comply with the will of God, to make an end of his disorderly ways.The great and flowery region, and the wild tribes of the south and north, equally follow and consent with me.

7. Revently obeying the determinate counsel of Heaven, I pursue my punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its men and women.

天物, ＇the creatures of Heaven＇; ＇including men＇, says Lin Che-k＇e, ＇but they are further specified＇, because of their greater importance. 為天下逋逃덿, 萃 (=聚) 淵藪,—the paraphrase of this in the ＇Daily Explanation＇is:—天下有罪在逃之그, 所當誅鋤之, 以安良善者也,受反收留之, 與彼為덿, 有司莫之敢捕, 如魚之聚於深淵, 獸之聚於林藪, ＇The criminals and vagabonds of the empire ought to be taken off and rooted out, to secure the repose of the good, but Show receives and maintains them, and is their chief, so that the officers do not dare to apprehend them. They are as fish collected in the deep waters, and as beasts, gathered together in the forests and thickets.＇

予小子既獲仁그,—we have seen the references made by Woo in the ＇Great Speech＇, Pt. ii., 9, et al., to his＇virtuous men＇. We may compare with the sentiment here that of T＇ang in his ＇Announcement＇, p. 4., where he says that before taking his measures against Këě, he ＇sought for the great sage, with whom he might unite his strength＇ (聿求元聖, 與之戮力). 承上帝=承上帝之意, ＇to receive or comply with the will of God＇.亂略,—Gan-kwŏ takes 略 in the sense of 路, ＇ways＇;Ts＇ae takes it in that of 謀, ＇counsels＇, ＇plans＇. Bothexplanations are allowable. 華夏,—see on the ＇Can. of Shun＇, p. 20. 蠻貊,—see Ana., XV., v. 2. —率俾,Ts＇ae and others take 俾 here in the sense of 從, ＇to follow＇, so that the clause= ＇all follow one another to follow me＇. Gan-kwŏ would put a comma at 率, and taking俾 in its common signification of 使, join it to the next clause. This has in its favour, that the 肆 in next par. stands more naturally at its commencement than as we read it at present. The rhythm of the style, however, requires that we join 率 and 俾.

[In the左傳, 昭궝年, we find:—昔武王數紂之罪, 以告諸侯, 曰, 紂為天下逋逃덿, 萃淵藪. The quotation is important, not only as guaranteeing so much ofthe prayer, but also as showing that the prayer was a part of the address which king Woo made to the princes. It is on this that Maou K＇e-ling mainly relies in protesting against the way in which Choo He and others propose to break up and re-arrange the paragraphs of this Book.]

7. See the manner in which this paragraph is adduced by Mencius, III., Pt., II., v., 5. There are important alterations in the structure, the philosopher not directly quoting, but using the passage so as to suit his purpose.

Gan-kwŏ puts all the verbs in the past tense, saying that the description is of what took place in the 11th year, when there was the first assemblage at Mǎng-tsin, and Woo returned, without proceeding to the attack of Show. But there is no sufficient evidence of such a meeting. The two clauses, moreover,—恭天成命, 肆予東征, fix the whole par. to the time then being,—the time in which 武 was offering his prayer.篚厥玄黃,—＇basketed their azure and yellow fabrics＇.

Its men and women bring their baskets full of azure and yellow silks, to show forth the virtue of us the kings of Chow. Heaven＇s favours stir them up, so that they come with their allegiance to our great State of Chow.

8. And now, ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to your shame!"

9. On the day mow-woo the army crossed the ford of Măng; on the day kwei-hae it was drawn up in array in the borders of Shang, waiting for the gracious decision of Heaven.

See the many descriptions in the ＇Tribute of Yu＇ of the offerings brought in baskets. 昭我周王—＇displaying our kings of Chow＇. Some say that azure and yellow are the colours of heaven and earth respectively, and that the object of bringing such fabrics was to slow that the kings of Chow were as good and beneficent as Heaven and earth. It is not necessary to seek for such a recondite meaning. The bringing of the baskets was an expression of allegiance, and an acknowledgment of the virtues of the House of Chow. 大邑周,—I take 邑here = 國, as we saw that Këang Shing proposed to do in the last Book, p. 6.

8. 爾有神,—the spirits are those of Heaven and earth, of the mountain and the river. The conclusion is sufficiently bold. Woo must have felt sure that his enterprise was right, and in accordance with the supreme mind and will.

Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, p. 55) has translated the par.:—＇Only may you shins be enabled to assist me in settling the millions of the people, and do not bring disgrace on your shin-ships.＇ He observes upon it, that ＇the form of expression would intimate that there was some power above the shins invoked,and that it was possible they might be unable to grant the needful assistance＇. There is no such indication in the form of the expression ae he supposes. 尚克相子 is not—＇may you be enabled to assist me,＇ but ＇grant me,I pray you, your help＇. The 克 denotes an efficacy in the spirits themselves, and gives emphasis, as we have often seen to be its force, to the word that follows, so that 克相子= ＇help me indeed＇. It is remarkable how,in the course of the prayer, reference is expressly made both to ＇God＇ and to ＇Heaven＇, as supreme. Why was it not addressed directly to God? There are both imperfect monotheism and polytheism in it. God is recognized as supreme, and at the same time other spirits are recognized, who would give effect to His will, and might be prayed to for that purpose. As Woo addressed his army in the grey dawn of the day at Muh, we may say that he had but the grey dawn of religious knowledge in his mind.

I will not add anything here to what I quoted from Ying-tǎ in the introductory note on the abruptness and seeming incompleteness with which the prayer terminates. It would have been better if there had been some additional expression of Woo＇s own feelings and purposes, and some inculcation of duties on the princes. It may be that a portion of the Book has been lost; or it may be that we do have all which Woo was pleased to say.

Ch. III. Pp. 9, 10. THE BATTLE OF MUH, WITH KING WOO＇S PROCEEDINGS IMMEDIATELY AFTER; AND SUBSEQUENT MEASURES. 9. 既戊午師逾孟津,—comp. the ＇Great Speech＇, Pt. i., p. 1. On this same day he delivered the address recorded in that Part.

葵亥陳於商郊,—kwei-hae was the 3rd of the 2d month, five days after mow-woo. From Mǎng-tsin to Show＇s capital was 400 le, so that Woo must have hurried on his army with great speed. 俟天休命,—＇the favourable decree＇ of Heaven was to be seen in the result of the impending battle, about which Woo felt quite confident. Gan-kwŏ says that this clause has reference to the ceasing of the rains which had fallen all the way from Mǎng-tsin, so that they were able during the night to complete the order of battle.

On the day kёă-tsze, at early dawn, Show led forward his hosts like a forest, and assembled them in the wilderness of Muh. But they would offer no opposition to our army. Those in the front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled, and the blood flowed till it floated the pestles about. Thus did king Woo once don his arms, and the empire was greatly settled. He overthrew the existing government of Shang, and made it resume its old course. He delivered the count of Ke from prison, and raised a tumulus over the grave of Pe-kan. He bowed in his carriage at the gate of Shang Yung＇s village.

This view is at once far-fetched and shallow. 甲子昧爽,—see the ＇Speech at Muh＇, p. 1. 其旅若林, 會於牧野,—see the She King, Pt. III., Bk., I., Ode II., 7.殷商之旅, 其會如林, 矢於牧野. Sze-ma Ts＇een says that Show＇s army amounted to 700000 men, whichis doubtless a great exaggeration. 敵於我師,—the historian identifies himself with Woo＇s army. 以北,—北=奔, ＇to flee＇. Ts＇een gives a difft. account of the battle. At least he makes no mention of Show＇s troops falling upon one another, but says that ＇Woo sent his general Shang-foo, with a hundred of the most daring warriors, to dash forward at the head of a large body. Show＇s army had no mind to fight, but really wished king Woo to penetrate their host. They therefore inverted their lances, and made way for his men. They in fact all revolted from Show, who fled at once to the ＇Stag tower＇. This account is not reconcileable, however, with the statement which follows about ＇the blood flowing till it fioated the pestles of the mortars＇.

The remark of Mencius on the passage—血流漂杵are well known. He attests (VII. Pt. II., iii.) that the＇Completion of the War＇ contained such a passage,but protests against believing it.—＇When the prince the most benevolent was engaged against him who was the most the opposite, how could such a thing be?＇ It gives, no doubt, an exaggerated description of the slaughter which took place. 杵 means the wooden pestles of the mortars, which the soldiers carried with them to prepare their rice. We need not suppose, as some do (see a note in the 集傳 by 蔡清), that they were the pestles used for pounding the earth in making the intrenchments. Maou K＇e-ling prefers the reading of 鹵, ＇shields＇ for 杵. Mei Tsuh (梅鷟) would save the credit of Mencius at the expense of the classic. If, he argues, it had appeared, as in the present text,that the slaughter was occasioned by Show＇s troops turning against one another, there would have been no occasion for the philosopher＇s remark. The forger of Tsin evidently constructed his text that king Woo might not appear chargeable with the bloodshedding,which Mencius supposed might be attributed to him!It is much more natural to believe that Mencius, in the impulse of his ardent nature, spoke as he did,—unadvisedly. 一戎衣,—＇once he put on his martial garb＇. See in the ＇Doctrine of the Mean＇, xviii., 2.Comp. also on 殪戎殷, Bk. IX., p, 4. 反商政,—＇he turned back the govt. of Shang＇, i.e., he took away the oppressive laws of Show, and then—由舊政, ＇followed the old govt.＇ i.e., the govt. of T＇ang and the other good sovereigns who succeeded him.

He dispersed the treasures of Luh-t＇ae, and distributed the grain of Keu-k＇eaou, thus conferring great gifts throughout the empire, and all the people joyfully submitted.

10. He arranged the orders of nobility into five,assigning the territories to them on a threefold scale.He gave offices only to the worthy, and employments only to the able. He attached great importance to the people＇s being taught the duties of the five relations of society, and to take care for food, for funeral ceremonies, and for sacrifices. He showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue, and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the empire was orderly ruled.

釋箕子囚, 封比干墓, see the concluding note to the＇Viscount of Wei＇. 式商容閭,—式, see Con. Ana., X.,xvi., 3. Shang Yung must have been some worthy in disgrace with Show, and living retired in his village.Ying-tǎ quotes some account of him from Hwang-p＇oo Meih＇s 帝王녡記, but it is the production of a later age.散鹿臺之財, 發鉅橋之粟,—of the ＇Stag tower＇ we have spoken. Keu-K＇eaou was in the north east of the pres.dis. of Keuh-chow (曲周), dep. of Kwang-p＇ing (廣平). Chih-le, where Show had collected great stores of grain. These two measures were directed to the benefit of the masses of the people, impoverished by the exactions of the tyrant.

P. 10. 列爵惟五, 分土惟三,—this agrees with the account of the arrangement of dignities and emoluments determined by the House of Chow, given by Mencius, Book V., Pt. II., ii. The orders of nobility were the Kung, How, Pih, Tsze and Nan, to the two first of which were assigned a hundred le square of territory, each, while the Pih had 70, and the Tsze and the Nan only 50 le square each. Yen Jŏ-keu absurdly says that this is different from the account of Mencius.It is different, however, from the account which we find in the Chow Le, Bk. IX., (地官, 大司徒). There the orders of nobility are five, as in Mencius, but the divisions of territory are also five. To the Kung,it is said, there were assigned 500 le square; to the How, 400; to the Pih, 300; to the Tsze, 200; and to the Nan, 100. I don＇t see how the two accounts are to be reconciled. If it be said that the five-fold territorial division was made by the duke of Chow at a subsequent period, which is the view of K＇ang-shing,why did not Mencius advert to it? If it be said, that the larger dimensions arose from the usurpations of the States among themselves, which is the view of Ying-tǎ, how is it that they have any place in the Chow Le?建官惟賢, 位事惟能,—the historian proceeds to Woo＇s provisions for the officers about his court. His object was to have none in office but men of talents and virtue, and that each man＇s duties should be those for which he was specially able.

重民五教, 惟食, 喪, 祭, Gan-kwŏ explained former of these clauses by inserting an 與 between and 五教,—＇he attached importance to the people, and to the inculcation of the five duties＇. This is not so good as to take 民 to be under the regimen of 五教. The force of 重 extends to the difft. terms in the second clauses, and 惟 is used as a connective particle. Lin Che-k＇e compares its use here with the same in the ＇Tribute of Yu＇, Pt. i., pp. 44 and 51. It is said that Woo gave effect to this solicitude for the instruction of the people by establishing schools,—educational institutions of various kinds; and to make good the provision of food, he enacted ＇the hundred mow allotment and the share system＇ (see Mencius, III. Pt. I., iii.). —惇信明義,惇=厚, ＇to make solid, or real＇. The 信 or ＇truthfulness＇belonged, the critics say, to all his governmental orders, and the fidelity with which they were kept, and the 義 or ＇righteousness＇ to all his actions. We have in the ＇Daily Explanation＇:—凡出一늄, 必守之以信, 而始終不渝, 凡行一事, 必裁之以義, 而動無過舉. 垂拱=垂衣拱手, ＇to let the robes hang down, and fold his hands ceremoniously before his breast＇. The meaning is, thatby the excellence of his institutions and example, there was superseded the necessity of any further laborious measures or efforts. The good order of the government followed as a matter of course.

CONCLUDING NOTES. [i] On the investituresgranted by king Woo. The 歷눑統紀表, under the year B.C.1121, gives a list of the principled States into which the empire was divided in the dynasty of Chow;—viz. Loo (魯), Wei (衛), Ts＇ae (蔡), Tsin (晉), Ts＇aou (曹), Ch＇ing (鄭), Woo (吳), Yen (燕),Ch＇in (陳), Sung (宋), Ts＇e (齊), Ts＇oo (楚), and Ts＇in(秦). I will not here enter into particulars on each of those principalities, as I shall have to speak ofmost of them in connection with one or other of the following Books. I will now only refer to what is in the Bk. 樂記, of the Le Ke, Part iii., par. 19,—that＇king Woo, on the overthrow of the Shang dynasty,before he descended from his chariot, invested the representative of Hwang-te with the territory of Ke (薊; the pres. dis. of Ta-hing, [大興] in the dep. of Shun-t＇een); the representative of Yaou with Chuh (祝; the pres. dis. of Ch＇ang-ts＇ing [長清], in the dep. of Tse-nan); the representative of Shun with Ch＇in (陳; the name remains in that of the dep. Ch＇in-chow, Ho-nan); and when he had descended from his chariot,—i.e., subsequently,—he invested the representative of Yu with K＇e (杞; this name also remains in that of the dis. of K＇e, in the dep. of K＇ae-fung); and he sent the representative of the House of Yin to th3 territory of Sung (宋; the pres. dis. of Shang-k＇ëw (商邱), dep. of Kwei-tih, Ho-nan). These appointments were given, not because of services rendered to the new dynasty, as many others were, but from respect to the memories of the great men represented, that the sacrifices to their spirits might not fall into disuse.

[ii] On the specifications of time in this and the two preceding Books. King Woo proceeded from his capital to the attack of Show on the 3rd day of the lst month of what is called his 13th year, B.C. 1121 (Gaubil, 1122); and in the 28th day of that month ＇in the spring＇ (according to the ＇Great Speech＇, Pt. i., p. 1), he crossed the Ho at Mǎng-ts＇in. Ts＇ae Ch＇in suppose that the year intended was that of Hea, which has been that of all the dynasties of China since the Han. Now the first month of the present Chinese year began on the 18th of our February, and the cycle name of the day was mow-shin (戊申). If we multiply 2984 solar years, which have elapsed since the 13th of Woo＇s reign, by 365.24224, we obtain the number of days from that time up to the end of last Chinese year, =1089882.84416, or 18164 cycles of days and 42 days more. But it will be found, on calculation, that the frat day of new moon in February, 2984 years ago,occurred three days earlier that in the present year.Reckoning back therefore 18164 cycles and 46 days more from mow-shin of the present year, we come to jin-seuh (壬戌), as the first day of the Hea year in the 13th of Woo＇s reign; and the view of Ts＇ae cannot be sustained.

Reckoning back other 30 days from 壬戌, we come to the day jin-shin (壬辰), as the first day of the first month in the year of Shang; and according to the view of Fan Sze-lin, approved of rather by the editors of Yung-ching＇s Shoo, this is the day intended in the classic as the first day of the first month spoken of. It is only one day after sin-maou. It would thus appear that not only is Ts＇ae in error in saying that we are to understand that the months in the text are the months of the year of Hea, but that the other commentators are equally mistaken in referring them to the year of Chow. They are those of the year of Shang, beginning with the last month of winter. This conclusion lightens somewhat the difficulty occasioned by the mention of "the spring", in the "Great Speech" par. 1. This is spoken with reference to the day mow-woo, which certainly was close upon the spring. If it be thought that the whole of the first month is intended to be described as in ＇spring＇, we must believe that in consequence of deficient intercalation, an error of one whole lunation had crept into the calendar by the time of the rise of the Chow dynasty. On suggesting that this might be the case to a very intelligent Chinese scholar, he replied, ＇How can you think that the sages could have blundered so?＇ But it will be found, from what will be seen in the prolegomena on the subject of the astronomy and chronology of the antient Chinese,that this was probably the case.