BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN.
BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN.
1. In the thirteenth year, the king went to inquire of the viscount of Ke,
2. and said to him "Oh! Viscount of Ke, Heaven,unseen, has given their constitution to mankind, aiding also the harmonious development of it in their various conditions. I do not know how their proper virtues in their various relations should be brought forth in due order."
THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—洪範, ＇The Great Plan＇. 洪=大, ＇great＇. 範=法, ＇plan＇. Other synonyms of範, given in the dict., are 式 and 模, both conveying the same idea of ＇plan＇ or ＇model＇. The name, like that of the last Book, is taken from the Book itself. We read in par. 2, that ＇Heaven gave to Yu the Great Plan,with its nine Divisions.＇ Some would adopt the whole of this,—洪範九疇, as the name; but there would be no advantage gained by departing in such a matter, from the established usage. The Book is found in both the texts.
HISTORY OF THE BOOK, AND MODE OR INTERPRETATION. The viscount of Ke had said that when ruin overtook the House of Shang, he would not be the servant of another dynasty;—see ＇The Viscount of Wei,＇ p. 8. Accordingly, he refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of king Woo, who had delivered him from the prison where Show had put him, and fled—or perhaps only made it known that he wouldflee—to Corea. King Woo respected and admired his attachment to the fallen dynasty, and invested him with that territory. He now felt constrained to appear at the court of Chow, when the king took the opportunity to consult him on the great principles of government,and the result was that he communicated this ＇Great Plan, with its nine Divisions＇. Being first made public under the Chow dynasty, it is ranked among the＇Books of Chow＇. It is often referred to, however, as one of the ＇Books of Shang＇, as having emanated from the viscount of Ke, who should properly be adjudged to that dynasty. When we read the Book itself, we see that it originally belonged to the time of Hea, and at least the central portion, or text of it,—par. 4,—should be ascribed to ＇the great Yu＇. We have therefore a fragment in it of very ancient learning. How this had come into the possession of the viscount of Ke we cannot tell. It does not seem to have occurred to the Chinese critics to make the inquiry. Whether we should ascribe all the paragraphs from the 5th downwards to the viscount, is also a point on which I cannot undertake to pronounce a positive opinion. Hea Seuen (夏僎; Sung dyn.) says that ＇though the words are those of the viscount of Ke, the record of them was made by the historians of Chow.＇
That the central portion of the Book, and more or less of the expository part, came down from the times of Hea is not improbable. The use of the number nine,and the naming of the various divisions of the ＇Plan＇are in harmony with Yu＇s style and practice in his＇Counsels＇ and in what we may call the ＇Domesday Book＇.
We are told that ＇Heaven--God--gave the plan with its Divisions to Yu＇. Upon this Gan-kwŏ says that＇Heaven gave Yu the mysterious tortoise, which made its appearance in the waters of Lŏ, bearing marks on its back well defined, from 1 to 9; and thereupon Yu determined the meaning of those numbers, and completed the nine divisions of the plan.＇
This legend has been fathered on Confucius, as we read in the ＇Appendix to the Yih king＇ (易經, 繫辭), Pt i., p. 38, that ＇the Ho gave forth the Scheme, and the Lŏ gave forth the Book (or defined characters), which the sages (or sage) took as their pattern＇ (河出圖, 洛出書, 聖人則之). If we admit that these words proceeded from Confucius or were edited by him, while it is absurd enough to speak of the two rivers giving forth the Scheme and the Book, he says nothing of the Scheme being on the back of a dragon, which has been the current statement for more than 2000 years, or of the Book being on the back of a tortoise. Moreover,there is no evidence that he meant to connect ＇the Book of Lŏ＇ with the ＇Great Plan＇ at all. We should rather imagine that he supposed the Scheme and the Book to be equally related to the diagrams of the Yih,and to have been both presented to Fuh-he. I hardly know an interpreter, however, but Lin Che-k＇e, who has not adopted the statement of Gan-kwŏ; and the consequence is that the explanations of this Book are overlaid with absurd twaddle about the virtue of numbers as related to Heaven and Earth, to the Yin and the Yang, the cardinal points, &c., & c. The followingfigure has been imagined as that which was exhibited to Yu:—
Near the head of the tortoise, it is said, were the nine open marks, and opposite was the one close mark. The two and the four were at the shoulders; the six and the eight were by the feet. Three and seven were on the left and right, and five were in the centre.Out of those numbers, odd and even, heavenly and earthly, now multiplied, now added together, the whole of the Plan and its Divisions is developed, with a glibness of tongue and a leger-de-plume, which only familiarity with the Yih-king, and the applications of it to astrology, geomancy, and other follies can produce. There is of course no ＇solid learning＇ (寶學) in all this. We shall have to endeavour to treat seriously of it, when we come to the Yih-king, but it should be exploded from the study of ＇The great Plan＇. The Book will be found dark enough in itself, but the viscount of Ke says nothing of occult qualities of numbers,from which the ideas in the different divisions of the Plan could be deduced. It will be my object, therefore,simply to elucidate the meaning of the whole as a scheme of government, intended to guide all rulers in the discharge of their duties.
Gaubil says that ＇the Book is a treatise at once of Physics, Astrology, Divination, Morals, Politics,and Religion; and that it has a sufficiently close resemblance to the work of Ocellus the Lucanian.＇There is a shadowy resemblance between the GreatPlan and the curious specimen of Pythagorean doctrine which we have in the treatise On theUniverse. The dissimilarities are still greater and more numerous. More especially are the different characters of the Greek mind, speculative, and the Chinese mind, practical, apparent in the two Works. Where the Chinese writer loses himself in the sheerest follies of his imagining, he would yet grope about for a rule to be of use in the conduct of human affairs. One of the most interesting curiosities which were obtained in 1861 from the ＇Summer palace＇ near Peking, was a scroll, purporting to be in the handwriting of the emperor K＇een-lung, dilating on the meaning of ＇The great Plan＇ and the lessons to be learned by sovereigns from it. There is general agreement among the critics in assigning its place to the Book either among the＇Counsels＇ of the Shoo, or among the ＇Instructions＇.
CONTENT. I avail myself here, with a little variation, of the account of these given in the＇Complete Digest＇ of commentaries on the Shoo(書經備旨).—The whole divides itself into three chapters. The first, parr. 1—3, is introductory, and describes how the ＇Great Plan with its Divisions＇ was first made known to Yu, and came at this time to be communicated to king Woo. The second, in p. 4,contains the Plan and its Divisions. The third, parr.5—40. contains a particular description of the several Divisions. ＇The whole,＇ says the writer, exhibits the great model for the govt. of the empire. The fifth or middle division on Royal Perfection is, indeed, the central one of the whole, that about which the Book revolves. The four divisions that precede it show how this royal Perfection is to be accomplished, and the four that follow show how it is to be maintained.
Ch. I. Pp. 1-3. KING WOO APPLIES TO THE VISCOUNT OF KE FOR INFORMATION ABOUT HOW THE GOVERNMENT OF THE EMPIRE SHOULD BE CONDUCTED, AND IS TOLD BY HIM OF THE GREAT PLAN WITH NINE DIVISIONS WHICH YU GOT FROM HEAVEN. 1.是有三祀,—the commentators observe that 祀, the Shang term for ＇year＇ is here used instead of the Chow年, the viscount of Ke using the character to which he had been accustomed. 訪, acc. to Ts＇ae,=늀而問之,=＇went to and asked him＇. It implies ＇consultation＇. See the note on the History of the Book. 2. 王乃言之,—＇the king thereupon spoke, saying＇. The 乃 protracts the style, and indicates the deliberation with which the king made his inquiry. So in the next paragraph,—箕子乃言曰. 箕子,—king Woo, it is observed, addressed the noble by his Shang title, not having yet invested him with the territory of Corea. It may be so; but he might also address him thus, the old designation being familiar to him, even if he had already given him his new appointment. 天陰騭떘民, 相協厥居,—陰=默, ＇secretly＇, ＇by a hidden influence＇; 騭=定, ＇to settle＇. Sze-ma Ts＇een gives the text as 天陰定떘民,which shows at least how he understood the term 騭.The meaning then of the first clause is that ＇Heaven,working unseen, has made men with certain hidden springs of character.＇ As Gan-kwŏ says, 天놊言而默定떘民. This interpretation is much to be preferred to that adopted by Këang Shing and others from Ma Yung, who makes=陰覆, ＇to cover＇, ＇to overshadow＇, and 騭=꿤=舉=生, ＇to produce＇. 天陰騭떘民 is thus simply= ＇Heaven that overshadows produced the inferior people.＇ The next clause is continuative, and is to be referred to Heaven as its subject. 相 (3d tone)=助,＇to aid＇. =＇協合, to unite＇, ＇to harmonize＇. 厥居,—＇their dwelling or abiding＇. This expression is difficult. Both the ＇Daily Explanation＇ and Këang Shing paraphrase it by 其所當居止之理, ＇the principles in which they ought to abide＇. Gan-kwŏ＇s language upon it is enigmatical. He says that ＇Heaven thus aids and harmonizes their abiding, so that they shall have a provision for prolonged life,＇ (是助合其居, 使有常生之資). Ying-tǎ in expanding this has some striking things. He says that＇the people have been produced by supreme Heaven(民是껗天所生), and both body and soul are Heaven＇s gift (形神天之所授). Men have thus the material body and the knowing mind, and Heaven further assists them, helping them to harmonize their lives. The right and the wrong of their language, the correctness and errors of their conduct, their enjoyment of clothing and food, the rightness of their various movements:—all these things are to be harmonized by what they are endowed with by Heaven. Accordance with the right way gives life, and error from it leads to death. Thus Heaven has not only given life to men, and conferred upon them a body and mind, but it further assists them to harmonize their conditions of life, so as to have a provision for its continuance.＇ (天生徒賦命於人, 授以形體心識, 乃復佑助諸諧合其居業, 使有常生之資). The fact is that the obscure text can only be brought outobscurely. We cannot do better than understand 厥居as meaning ＇the principles in which men should rest in their various conditions＇, belonging to the complex constitution which God has given them.
I have said that Heaven is the subject spoken of in相協厥居. The text certainly supplies no other; but Wang Suh supposed a 王者, before 相, thinking the meaning to be that ＇Heaven having produced men with their peculiar constitution, and taking an interest in them, it devolves on the sovereign to give effect to the wishes of Heaven for men＇s virtue and happiness.＇Keang Shing follows this view. It cannot be said not to be in harmony with the general teaching of the classics. The text is thereby, indeed, brought into strict accordance with that in the ＇Announcement of T＇ang＇, p. 2. But the language in that passage is sufficiently explicit. I can find no subject in the text for 相協 but 天. The next clause, however, must be understood, I think, with reference to the duty of the sovereign, so that the whole paragraph may be considered aa very nearly equivalent to that referred to in the ＇Announcement of T＇ang＇.
놖놊知其彝倫攸敘,—king Woo, say many critics,knew very well all about the subject, but he thus speaks to bring out the learning of the viscount of Ke. We may rather suppose that he speaks with reference to the Great Plan and its Divisions, of which he had merely heard. 彝=常, ＇constant＇, ＇regular＇, meaning here the nature of man, acting according to the regular laws of its constitution appointed by Heaven. Compare in the She King, Pt, III, Bk. III., Ode vi., st. 1. 天生烝民, 有物有則, 民之秉彝, 好是懿德, ＇Heaven, in giving birth to the multitudes of men, to every endowmentappointed its appropriate law. The people, holding fast this constant nature, love the virtue which is admirable.＇
3. The viscount of Ke thereupon replied, "I have heard that of old time K＇wăn dammed up the inundating waters, and thereby threw into disorder the arrangement of the five elements. God was thereby roused to anger, and did not give him ＇the great plan with its nine Divisions,＇ whereby the proper virtues of the various relations were left to go to ruin. K＇wăn was then kept a prisoner till his death, and Yu rose up to continue his undertaking. To him Heaven gave ＇the great Plan with its nine Divisions,＇ and thereby the proper virtues of the various relations were brought forth in their order.
倫=人倫, ＇the relations of human society,＇ in which are seen the virtues of man＇s nature, intended by 彝. 攸=所; 攸敘=所以敘, ＇how they are arranged＇.
I have said that this clause is to be understood with reference to the work and duty of the sovereign. Gan-kwŏ, indeed, supposes that Heaven is still the subject(놖놊知天所以定民之常道理次敘, 問何由); but the other view is generally adopted. The explanation ofthe whole paragraph, given by Ch＇in Ya-yen (陳雅言; Ming dyn.) is the best which I have seen:—武王意人君代天理物, 必仰承天意以治民, 而使其居之順其常, 得其正, 以無負껗天陰騭相協之心者, 其道在於敘其秉彝人倫껩, 놖欲敘之, 놊知所以敘之之道當何如, 此問箕子以為治之道껩, 箕子於是告以洪範九疇, 為為治之法, 蓋九疇之敘, 即彝之所敘껩. Gaubil＇s translation is—＇Le ciel a des voies secrettes, par lesquelles il rena le peupletranquille et fixe. Il s＇unit à lui pour l＇aider a garder son Etat. Je ne connois point cette regle: quelle est elle?＇Medhurst endeavours to keep more close to the text:—＇Heaven has secretly settled the lower people, aiding and according with that in which they rest; but I do not know the arrangement of those invariable principles.＇
P. 3 .鯀堙洪水,—堙=塞, ＇to dam up＇. Instead offinding a vent for the accumulated waters, as his son Yu did, K＇wǎn attempted to remedy the evils of their inundation by damming them up. 汩陳五行,—for the ＇five elements＇,see the 5th par. 汩=亂 ＇to confuse＇,＇to throw into disorder＇. 陳=列, ＇to arrange＇, and 陳五行=껗帝所陳列之五行, ＇the five elements arranged by God＇.How K＇wǎn＇s damming the waters—dealing wrongly with one element—should derange all the other elements, is a statement which I can make nothing of.
놊畀洪範九疇,—畀=與, ＇to give to＇; 疇=類, ＇sorts＇,＇classes＇, ＇divisions＇. 彝倫攸斁,—斁 (read too)=敗,＇to subvert＇, ＇to ruin＇. How the consequence here stated took place, is likewise a thing which I don＇t understand. 鯀則殛死,—see the ＇Can. of Shun＇, P. 12.
4. "Of those divisions, the first is called ＇The five Elements;＇ the second is called ＇The Reverent Practice of the five Businesses＇; the third is called ＇Earnest Devotion to the eight objects of Government;＇ the fourth is called ＇The Harmonious Use of the five Arrangements＇; the fifth is called ＇The Establishment and Use of Royal Perfection＇; the sixth is called ＇The Cultivation and Use of the three Virtues＇; the seventh is called ＇The Intelligent Use of the Examination of Doubts＇; the eighth is called ＇The Thoughtful Use of the various Verifications＇; the ninth is called ＇The Hortatory Use of the five Happinesses, and the Awing Use of the six Extremities.＇
天乃錫禹洪範九疇,—we have seen, in the second introductory note, how it is fabled that Yu received the great Plan from Heaven. Lin Che-k＇e held that all which is meant by the text is that Heaven gave Yu the mind and the enlightenment to conceive and describe the Plan. Choo He was asked what he thought of this view, and whether it was not contrary to the Yin King, which says that ＇the Lŏ gave forth the Book＇. He answered, ＇Suppose that Heaven had only now given the Book of Lŏ, if it did not also give the mind to interpret it, no man would understand it! Neither the old account, nor Lin Che-k＇e＇s, is to be set aside.＇ (便使而今天錫洛書,若非天啟其心,亦無人理會得,兩說似놊녦偏廢껩) I have said I don＇t understand who the virtues and relations were left to go to ruin, in consequence ofK＇wǎn＇s failure: Ch＇in Sze-k＇ae has tried to explain the difficulty, but with little success. He says:—陶唐之盛,於變時雍之際, 꺗何彝倫之斁哉, 此非言朝廷껩, 蓋五行既汩, 九功未敘, 獸蹄鳥跡之道, 交於中國, 堯甚憂之, 此彝倫之所以斁껩, 豈必綱常絕滅, 而後謂之斁哉.
Ch. II. P. 4. THE GREAT PLAN AND ITS NINE DIVISIONS. The reader must not suppose that the great Plan was something different from its nine Divisions. It was merely the combination of them.
This paragraph is supposed to be the work of Yu. According to Lew Hin, indeed, the whole 65 characters were upon the back of the tortoise;—see the前漢書, 五行志, 껗, 凡此뀖굛五字, 皆洛書녤文. Gankwŏ says he did not know how many characters wereon the back of the tortoise, but that the numbering of the Divisions, ＇first＇, ＇second＇ &c., (初一曰, 次괗曰, 云云) was done by Yu. In this way there would be 38 characters left. Some take away the half of these again,—those, namely, which have a verbal or hortatory force (敬用, 農用, 云云), leaving the names of the divisions. The prevailing opinion now, however,is that there were only the 45 small circles, open and close, upon the creature; but even thus much cannot be allow. The whole story of the tortoise and ＇the Book of Lŏ＇ is only fit to be told to children. In the paragraph before us, the characters 五行, 五事, &c., were spoken by the viscount of Ke in the narrative which he gave to Woo.
While discarding the ＇book of Lŏ＇, it will be a help to the student＇s memory, and in his reading of the various lore on the Plan.
5. "First, of the five elements.—The first is named water; the second, fire; the third, wood; the fourth,metal; the fifth, earth. The nature of water is to soak and descend; of fire, to blaze and ascend; of wood, to be crooked and to be straight; of metal, to obey and to change;
If I append here an outline of the ＇Book＇ with the names of the Divisions added to it. It differs from the common representations of the Plan, by containing the 5th division in the centre, which is ordinarily excluded,from numerical considerations.
For the names of the subjects of the nine Divisions,see on their several paragraphs that follow. With regard to the ＇five 事＇, it is said they are to be reverently used.The 事 being personal, belonging to the government of one＇s self, it is required to be ＇reverent＇ in respect to them. [Keang Shing, after Lew Hin, reads 羞用 for 敬用, but 敬 rests on good authority;—see the 後案, inloc.]
The ＇eight 政＇ are to be used ＇liberally＇. 農 is read as if it were 醲, and defined by 厚. Ma Yung and Wang Suh try to retain the meaning of 農, ＇agriculture＇,—but ineffectually. The ＇five 紀＇ are to be used＇harmoniously＇,—＇to bring the works of men into harmony with the times of heaven＇.
The ＇various 徵＇ are to be used ＇thoughtfully＇. 念= ＇with considerate examination＇. The ＇five 福＇ are to usedeb ＇encouragingly＇,—so as to attract men＇towards＇(嚮) what is desired. No numbers, it is observed, are used with reference to the fifth Division, the perfection which it indicate not being capable of measurement.
Ch. III. Pp. 5-40. PARTICULAR DESCRIPTION OF THE NINE DIVISIONS. 5. Of the five elements. Gaubil does not translate 行, but gives always—＇les cing hing.＇ We have got into the habit of rendering it in English by ＇elements＇. But it seems hardly possible to determine what the Chinese mean by the term. By＇elements＇ we mean ＇the first principles or ingredients of which all bodies are composed. The Pythagoreans, by their four elements of earth, water, air, and fire—a classification first made, apparently, by Ocellas—did not intend so much the nature or essence of material substances, as the forms under which matter is actually presented to us. The term 行, meaning ＇to move＇, ＇to be in action＇ shows that the original conception of the Chinese is of a different nature; and it is said, in the dict., that ＇the five hing move and revolve throughout heaven and earth, without ever ceasing, and hence they are so called (五行運於天地間, 未嘗停息, 故名). ＇Distributed＇, says the editors of Yung-ching＇s Shoo, ＇through the four seasons, they made the "fivearrangements"; exhibited in prognostications, they give rise to divination by the tortoise and the reeds; having lodgment in the human body, they produce "thefive businesses"; moved by good fortune and bad, they produce "the various verifications" communicated to organisms, they produce the different natures, hard and soft, good and evil; working out their results in the changes of those organisms, they necessitate here benevolence and there meanness, here longevity and there early death:—all these things are from the operation of the five hing. But if we speak of them in their simplest and most important character, they are,as here, what man＇s life depends upon, what the people cannot do without.
Leaving all this jargon, and turning to the ＇counsels of Yu＇ parr. 7, 8, we find that ＇water, fire, metal, wood,and earth＇ are, along with ＇grain,＇ the ＇six magazines,＇from which the people are to be provided with what is necessary for their sustenance and comfort.
while the virtue of earth is seen in seed-sowing and ingathering. That which soaks and descends becomes salt; that which blazes and ascends becomes bitter;that which is crooked and straight becomes sour; that which obeys and changes becomes acrid; and from seed-sowing and ingathering comes sweetness.
6. "Second, of the five businesses.—The first is called demeanour; the second, speech; the third,seeing; the fourth, hearing; and the fifth, thinking. The virtue of the demeanour is called respectfulness; of speech, accordance with reason; of seeing,
We may content ourselves, therefore, with understanding 五行here as ＇the five essentials to human life＇. From 水曰潤떘 downwards is to be taken as the language of the viscount of Ke, or of the chronicler of Chow, to whom we owe the ＇great Plan＇ of the Shoo;but the language is affected by the study of the Yinking, which had come into vogue.
水曰潤떘,—＇water may be described as moistening and descending＇. 潤떘……從革, it is said, 以性言,＇describe the mature of the elements＇. But mature in such a case is only expressive of some qualities belonging to them. 稼穡, again, is said to be descriptive of the virtues of earth (以德言); and hence we read 土爰稼穡, and not 土曰稼穡. ＇Metal obeys and changes＇; i.e., it altars its form when acted on by fire
From 潤떘 to the end we have the 五味 or ＇five tastes＇ of the elements;—not, however, the tastes that are proper to them, but those which they are found in course of time to assume. This is denoted by 作, which I have translated ＇becomes＇. Hea Seuen has said, ＇The reason why we find 作 used in connection with the five tastes or fiavours of the elements is this.—Water as it issues from the spring is not salt;—but when it flows away to the sea, and is there collected and coagulated together for a long time, and salt taste is produced, and the saltness is made by the soaking and descending.When fire, blazes on without ceasing, charring and scorching for a long time, the bitter taste is produced,and the bitterness is made by the blazing and ascending; &c., &c. The reader may find a reasonable meaning in all this, if he can. Ts＇ae observes that the five elements have their several sounds, colours and airs, as well as tastes, but the text only speaks of their tastes, those being of greater importance to the people than the others.
P. 6. Of the five businesses. To translate 五事 by ＇thefive businesses＇ reads awkward and uncouth; but I can do no better with it. Medhurst renders the phrase by＇the five senses＇, which is plainly inadmissible. Gaubil gives for it—＇les cing occupations ou affaires＇.
From the language of p. 4,—敬用五事, we gather that the ＇aspect＇, ＇the speech＇, &c., are not themselves the 事, but what give occasion to them. 貌=容儀,＇carriage＇, ＇demeanour＇. 恭, 從, &c., describe the several virtues or desirable characteristics of the ＇businesses＇(五事之德). 言曰從,—從=順, ＇accordance＇, that is,obedience to right and reason. It is strange that the old interpreters, Gan-kwŏ, K＇ang-shing, and Ma Yung, all agree in defining 從 by 녦從, making the meaning to be—＇the virtue of speech is that it move others to follow the speaker＇. This is manifestly wrong. 睿=通乎微, ＇penetrating to what is minute＇.
clearness; of hearing, distinctness; and of thinking,perspicaciousness. The respectfulness becomes manifest in gravity; accordance with reason, in orderliness; the clearness, in wisdom; the distinctness,in deliberation; and the perspicaciousness, in sageness.
7. "Third, of the eight objects of government:—thefirst is called food; the second, commodities; the third,sacrifices; the fourth, the minister of works; the fifth,the minister of instruction; the sixth, the minister of crime; the seventh, the entertainment of guests; the eighth, the army.
8. "Fourth, of the five arrangements,—The first is called the year; the second, the month; the third, the day; the fourth,
肅, 乂, &c., describe the consummation of those virtues (五德之用),—what they come to, as is indicated by the 作.
These businesses are represented as being in the human person what the five elements are in nature.Demeanour is the human correspondency of water,speech that of fire. But again leaving all this, can we tell what the writer would be at? Lin Che-k＇e refers to whet Mencius says, VII., Pt. I., xxxviii.,—＇The bodily organs with their functions belong to our Heavenconferred nature; but a man must be a sage before he can satisfy the design of his bodily organization;＇and then adds that this paragraph contains the science of doing this. Certainly if a man have attained to the results here exhibited, he has made much progress in self-government and personal cultivation.
P. 7. The eight objects of government. Medhurst translates 八政 by ＇the eight Regulators＇ and Gaubil by ＇les huit regles du Gouvernement＇. It means the eight things to be attended to in government, its objects or departments. They seem to be stated in the order of their importance in the view of the speaker.＇Food＇ belongs to the department of agriculture,and ＇commodities＇ or ＇goods＇ to that of trade and commerce. These two things being secured, the people would have the essentials of life, and would be able to attend to their duties to spiritual beings and to the dead. Then would come in the minister of works, to secure the comfort of their dwellings; and the minister of instruction to teach them all their moral duties;and the minister of crime to deter them from evil. All festive ceremonies, all the intercourse of society, could then be regulated; and finally the efficiency of the army would be maintained, to secure the general well-being of the State.
It will be seen that the three first and two last are the objects to be attended to in their several departments,while the intermediate three are the names of the ministers. No account can be given of this peculiarity of the style. So the author was pleased to write,—very unsatisfactorily.
P. 8. The five subjects of arrangement. Medhurst calls the 五紀, the ＇five Arrangers＇ and Gaubil, ＇les cing Periodes＇. He observes in a note that ＇紀 is used for chronicles and annals; for a revolution of the stars, of cycles, of years; and that it may express a fixed point for chronology and astronomy.＇ The term properly denotes ＇the sorting of threads of silk,＇ and thence is applied to the digesting of chronicles and arranging of annals. It is hard to say whether it is intended in the text for the objective work of arranging the measures of the things spoken of, or, for those things ns measured and arranged.
歲=天時之一周, ＇a complete revolution of the seasons".
the stars and planets, and the zodiacal signs; and thefifth, the calendaric calculations.
9. "Fifth, of royal perfection.—The sovereign having established his highest point of excellence, he concentrates in himself the five happiness, and then diffuses them so as to give them to his people:—then on their part the multitudes of the people, resting in
月, ＇the moon,＇ is here= ＇month＇, the period of a lunation, including the determination of new and full moon, and the intermediate phrases. 꿂, ＇the sun＇ is here = ＇a day＇. 星辰, see Can. of Yaou, p. 3. —歷數,comp. the use of this phrase in the Canon of Shun, p. 14. It is here used, in its primary meaning, of the computations by which the measures of the year, the month, the day, &c., are determined, and the calendarfixed.
This division of the Plan is substantially the same as Yaou＇s instructions to his astronomers. The language is too brief to tell us what improvement had been made in the science of astronomy between the time of Yaou, and that of king Woo.
Pp. 9-16. Royal perfection. Medhurst translates 皇極 by ＇the princely perfections＇; and Gaubil, by ＇le terme du Souverain, on le milieu du Souverain＇. Gan-kwŏ had defined the terms by 大中, ＇the great Mean,＇and his explanation seems to have been unquestioned till the time of the Sung dynasty. Then Choo He insisted that 皇 must be taken here in the sense of 君,＇prince＇, ＇sovereign＇, referring to the way in which it is interchanged with王in par. 14 (皇有訓大處, 惟皇極之皇놊녦訓大, 皇只當作君, 所以說遵王之義, 遵王之路,直到後面以為天떘王, 其意녦見, 蓋皇字떘從王). Choo＇s criticism is correct.—He is correct also in rejectingthe definition of 極 by 中. 極 is ＇the utmost point＇—the extreme of excellence, realized in the person of the sovereign, and serving as an example and attractive influence to all below, both ministers and people. It is supposed to be in the centre, the exact middle, but it should not be called the centre or Mean. Take its primary application to ＇the beam forming the ridge of a house:—that is the highest point of the roof, on which the other parts rest, and it is in the centre of it;but it is called 極 and not 中. By ＇royal perfection＇ we are to understand the sovereign, all that he ought to be. Ts＇ae dwells upon it in its relation to his personal character, exhibiting all the virtues. Others say it is the accumulation of the personal and governmental excellences described in the previous divisions of the Plan. Our best way is to leave it in its own vagueness.I have already observed that no place is found for this in the numerical scheme of the ＇Great Plan＇,arranged according to the principles of the Yih King.There are only 8 diagrams, not 9. This might have shown the critics that this Book was not to be treated on those principles. 9. 斂時 (=是) 五福,—＇collects these five happinesses＇, that is, collects, concentrates them in his own person (斂集是五福於皇躬; see the꿂講). Happiness, it is supposed, invariably follows virtue;—compare in the ＇Counsels of Yu＇, p. 5, 惠迪吉,從逆凶, 惟影響. The ＇five happinesses＇ must be those of the last Division, and we are surprised to find them mentioned here, with the definitive 時 = 是 before them. It is not to be wondered at that Hung Mae (洪邁) should have proposed to remove from this down to 錫之福 in p. 11, to the ninth division. The difficulty is a little lightened by taking 時—於是, ＇thereon＇ or＇thereby＇, as in the translation.
10. your perfection, will give to you the preservation of it.
11. That the multitudes of the people have no lawless confederacies, and that men in office have no selfish combinations, will be an effect of the sovereign＇s establishing his highest point of excellence.
12. Among all the multitudes of the people, when any have counsel, and conduct, and keep themselves from evil, do you bear them in mind; those who do not come up to the highest excellence, and yet do not involve themselves in crime, let the sovereign receive;
用敷錫厥庶民,—＇uses them, diffusing and giving them to his multitudinous people＇. The king, not able to be happy himself only, seeks to make his people happy;—it is not said by what methods. 惟時, 云云,—Ts＇ae expands this:—當時之民, 亦皆於君之極, 與之保守, 놊敢失墜, 所謂錫保껩, 言皇極君民所以相與者如此, ＇The people, after that, guard and preserve the perfection of the sovereign for him, not daringto lose it or let it drop. This is what is shown by 錫保. The whole tells us what a mutual interest the ruler and the people have in this royal perfection.＇ It is really difficult to say what the whole tells us. The student will not fail to observe how the viscount of Ke begins here to address himself to king Woo.—汝極. 10. Royal perfection will banish from the empire all selfish confederacies. 淫朋=邪黨, ＇bad, corrupt parties＇. 淫has here its frequent meaning of 過, ＇beyond bounds＇. Comp. 朋淫於家 in the ＇Yih and Tseih＇, p. 8.人無有比德,—the 人 here, in opp. to the 庶民 above,is understood to mean有位之人, ＇men having office＇.德 is used in a bad sense. 比德=私相比附, ＇selfish combining＇. 作極 is about i. q. 建極 of the last par. Perphas 作 indicates the various efforts and steps of progress by which 建, the point of establishment, is attained.
11. How royal perfection will be seen in dealing with superior men, and with inferior men also, bringing the latter to approve and attain to the highest excellence.有猷有為 are men ＇mighty in words and deeds＇. They are supposed further to be 有守, to have that firm and resolved nature, which will sustain them against temptation. 念之, ＇think of them＇, ＇bear them in mind＇. This is= ＇give to such your confidence. You may repose trust in them.＇
놊協於極,—＇do not harmonize with—have not yet attained to—the highest excellence＇.
놊罹於咎=놊陷於惡. The 놊=而놊, with the adversative force of 而, ＇and yet＇. These are a classof mediocre individuals, different from and inferior to the former. 而康而色,—Gan-kwŏ, taking 而=汝, took this as addressed to king Woo:—汝富安汝顏色以謙떘人, ＇you ought to compose your conntenance,and condescend to those inferior men＇. But he is then obliged to understand another 人 as the nominative to 曰,—＇when men say＇, &c,. It is better to take, with Choo II, 而康而色, as referring to the class of men just described, and= ＇when they are pleased, and look so, saying＇, &c. Ts＇ae says:—見於外而有安和之色, 發於中而有好德之言, 云云.
and when a placid satisfaction appears in their countenances, and they say— ＇our love is fixed on virtue,＇ do you then confer favour on them. Those men will in this way advance to the perfection of the sovereign.
13. Do not oppress the friendless and childless; do not fear the high and illustrious.
14. When men have ability and administrative power, cause them still more to cultivate their conduct,and the prosperity of the country will be promoted.All right men, having a competency, will go on to be good. If you cannot make men have what they love in their families, they will only proceed to be guilty of crime;
錫之福,—福 here=祿, one of the ＇five happinesses＇.時 (=是) 人其惟皇之極,—the ＇Daily Explanation＇paraphrases this:—將見惟是庶民, 感發於念受之已深,鼓舞於錫福而놊倦, 斯同歸惟皇之極. 而信能以保極矣.
12. Ts＇ae says this par. completes the meaning ofthe one which proceeds, and serves to introduce that which follows. To me it interrupts the train of thought, fugitive as that is Gan-kwŏ says that .煢=單無兄弟, ＇solitary, without brothers＇, and that 獨 is 無子,＇childless＇.
13. Ts＇ae says that this paragraph speaks of ＇men who are in office＇ (此言有位者껩). This is in accordance with the distinction made between 庶民 and 人 in par. 10. This is the general view of the critics. I do not think it can be altogether sustained. The ＇men＇ may not be in office, but only aspirants for it. They are inferior to those first mentioned in par. 11, having the ability, and the practical capacity, but being without the conversation (有守) element. If they can be led on to this—使羞 (=進) 其行—they may be employed, and their employment will conduce to the prosperity of the country.
凡厥正人,—Gan-kwŏ takes 正人 in a moral sense as=正直之人, ＇correct men＇. I think his view is right. Ts＇ae understands the phrase in an official sense, and says it=在官之人, ＇men who are in official employment＇. The phrase may be so taken; but the other view suits the whole paragraph better. 既富,—＇being enriched＇, having remunerative office conferred on them. 穀=善, ＇good＇. 方穀,—＇then they will be good＇. Ts＇ae makes this= ＇then you may require them to be good＇. The idea is the same with that which Mencius often insists on,—that men, when raised above the pressure of want, are likely, may be expected, to cultivate the moral virtues. Though I have followed Gan-kwŏ in his view of 正人, I cannot accept his explanation of this方穀;—see the 註疏. 汝弗能……其辜,—the principal difficulty here is with 有好於而家.
while they do not love virtue, though you confer favour on them, they will involve you in the guilt of employing them thus evil.
"Without deflection, without unevenness,
Pursue the Royal righteousness;
Without any selfish likings,
Pursue the Royal way;
Without any selfish dislikings,
Pursue the Royal path;
Without deflesion, without partiality,
Broad and long is the Royal path.
Without partiality, without deflection,
The Royal path is level and easy;
I take 好 in the 3d tone, and 有好 as=有所好, ＇to have what they love＇ meaning the means of comfortable living. 而家=其所有家, ＇their families;＇—the 而 being taken as merely a pause or rest of the voice. Possibly it may=汝, ＇your＇, and 家 may be, by syneedoche, for國家, so that 而家= ＇your country＇. I prefer the other construction however.
時人斯其辜=是人則將陷於罪. The whole is in opposition to the preceding clause.—＇Let the sovereign employ and remunerate those ableand wellmeaning men, and they will go on to be really good.If on the contrary they are neglected, and left to suffer penury, they will lose their self-respect, and proceed to become evil.＇ Hoo Yih-chung (胡一中; Yuen dyn.) explains the passage very much in the same way. He says:—好者自愛重껩, 家謂有家者, 凡正長之官, 汝當厚祿而使之富足, 方能為善, 汝若놊先祿之使富, 彼且놊自愛重於其有家, 無所顧藉, 則是人將陷於罪. 於其無……用咎,—such men, falling off into
crime, may afterwards be put in remunerating offices; but the opportunity has been lost by the sovereign. He will only now reap the fruit of his want of wisdom in dealing with them in the past.
P. 14. An ancient Song, descriptive of the royal perfection, and stimulating men to imitate it. We may compare with it the songs of Shun and Kaou-yaou in the ＇Yih and Tseih＇. The lines are composed of four characters, and every two lines rhyme together after a fashion. The general opinion is that the song was not composed by the viscount of Ke, but that it was a well-known piece, which had come down from the Hea times, and which he recites to king Woo. 無偏無陂,遵王之義,—Sze-ma Ts＇een gives 頗 for 陂, and there can be no doubt this was the reading till the reign of the emperor Heuen-tsung (玄宗) of the T＇ang dynasty.A proclamation of his, in the year 744, is still extant,ordering the change from 頗 to 陂, that there might be a rhyme with 義, and referring to the language of the Yih in the diagram 泰,—無平놊陂, as suggesting the latter character, which is in meaning much the same as the other.
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