第9章

BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. PART I

BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. PART I

1. In the spring of the thirteenth year, there was a great assembly at Măng-tsin.

2. The king said, "Ah! Ye hereditary rulers of my friendly States, and all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, listen clearly to my declaration.

NAME OF THE PART.—周書, ＇The Books of Chow.＇ Chow is the dynastic designation under which Woo and his descendants possessed the empire from B.C.1121—255, a period of 867 years. They traced their lineage up to K＇e (棄), the minister of Agriculture(后稷) under Shun. K＇e is said to have been a son of the emperor K＇uh (B.C.2432). The marvels of his birth and infancy are pleasantly described in the second Part of the She King, and are duly chronicled by Sze-ma Ts＇een (周녤紀). He was invested with the principality of T＇ae (邰), the pres. dis. of Foo-fung (扶風), dep. of Fung-ts＇ëang (鳳翔), in Shen-se. In the time of Këĕ,B.C. 1796, the fortunes of the family, which had for some time been waning, revived under Kung-lew (公劉), who established himself in Pin (豳), the pres. small department of邠. There his descendants remained till B.C.1826, when Tan-foo, afterwards styled king T＇ae in the sacrificial ritual of the dynasty, removed to the foot of mount K＇e in the pres. dis. of K＇e-san (岐山),dep. of Fung-ts＇ëang;—see Men.,I.,Pt.,II.,xiv., and xv.The state which he established there was called Chow.King T＇ae was succeeded by his son Ke-leih, or king Ke, and he again by his son Ch＇ang, or king Wăn,who transmitted his hereditary dominions, greatly increased, and his authority to his son Fă or king Woo.Woo then adopted Chow as the designation of the dynasty which he founded.

The Books of Chow were more numerous, as we might expect, than those of the previous dynasties,—even though they belong only to little more than thefirst half of its history. Nor did they suffer so much in consequence of the fires of Ts＇in as those of the Shang dynasty. Out of 38 documents there remain 20 whose genuineness is uncontested; and only 8 have been entirely lost. I have said that we might have expected that the Books of Chow would be more numerous than those of Shang; but we could not have expected that so much larger a proportion of them should escape the various dangers to which all were equally exposed.

THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—泰誓, ＇The Great Declaration.＇ 泰=大, ＇great.＇ King Woo, having at last taken the field against Chow, makes three speeches to his officers and men, expounding the grounds of his enterprise, urging them to play the man with him in the cause of humanity and Heaven. Those are brought together, and constitute one grand whole,—＇The great Declaration.＇

THE DIFFERENT TEXTS OF THE BOOK. This subject has been treated of in the prolegomena; and I will content myself here with giving the summary of the discussions that have been raised upon it, which is quoted in the 通鑑綱目 from Kin Le-ts＇ëang＇s 通鑑前編, merely interjecting a remark or two, where his statements can be fairly called in question. The text preferred by Keang Shing and other modern scholars will also be found, with a translation of it, in an appendix to the Book.

Le-ts＇ëang says:—＇The Shoo of Fuh-shang did not contain the "Great Declaration".＇ [But see the first Book of Maou K＇e-ling＇s ＇Wrongs of the old Text of the Shoo.＇ The ＇Great Declaration＇ was in the Books of Fuh-shang.] ＇It was in the "Old Text," found in the wall of Confucius＇ house; but as the commentary of K＇ung Gan-kwŏ was not entered in the imperial college during the Han dynasty, his edition of it did not then become current. Chang Pa (張霸) then fraudulently made a "Great Declaration," in three Parts, which became current, and contained the passage about "a white fish entering king Woo＇s ship," &c., which is found in Chung-shoo (仲舒) and Sze-ma Ts＇een.＇ [This passage is found in those writers, and also in Fuhshang＇s Introduction to the Shoo. There is no necessity to say that the ＇Great Declaration,＇ current during the Han dynasty, was forged by Chang Pa.] ＇But in the time of the Eastern Han, Ma Yung and other scholars became aware that this was not the genuine document;and it fell into general discredit, when the "Old Text"made its appearance at the commencement of the Eastern Tsin dynasty. Recently, however, this same Old Text has come to be suspected by the scholar Woo (吳氏). "Its language," he says, "is vehement and arrogant, not to be compared with that of the Declaration of T＇ang. As the document appeared so late, we may suppose that the whole of it is not the original text."

＇In my opinion, the conduct and language of T＇ang and Woo were equally responsive to Heaven and accordant with men. They differed because the circumstances of the men differed. T＇ang was the founder of the fortunes of his House; Woo entered into an inheritance which was already flourishing. T＇ang＇s enterprise commenced when men were beginning to look to Shang. Woo＇s was undertaken when many of the princes had long been followers of the Chiefs of Chow. The battle of Ming-t＇eaou was fought by the people of Pŏ, while at Măng-tsin there was a grand assemblage of the princes with their hosts. With such differences of circumstances, we should expect differences of style and manner. As to what is said of Chow＇s being worse than Këĕ, and the language being more ornate, these things are accounted for by the difference of time. Even allowing that the style was somewhat modified and improved, when the document made its reappearance, we may well believe that it gives us the views of king Woo.＇

CONTENTS. These may be stated in the language with which Le-ts＇ëang concludes his observations.—＇In the first Part, king Woo addresses himself to the princes and others of inferior rank; in the second,to the hosts of the princes; and in the third, to his officers. The ruling idea in the first is the duty of the sovereign,—what he ought to be and do; with this it begins and ends. There is not the same continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows the difference between the good sovereign and the bad, and touches on the consent that there is between Heaven and men. The Book is brilliantly composed, and far transcends the powers of any man of a later age to have made it.＇

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART. At a great assemblage of the princes, king Woo sets before them the reasons of his proceeding against Chowsin. Starting from the position that the sovereign is ordained by God for the good of the people, he shows how the king of Shang acted only to the injury of the people. King Wăn would have punished him if he had lived, but now the duty was devolved upon himself,and with their help he would proceed to obey the requirement of Heaven. They need have no fears as to the issue. Favoured by God and men, the expedition could not but be crowned with success. There are eleven paragraphs which are so connected as to form only one chapter.

Par. 1. The time, place, and occasion of the Declaration. The time was the spring of the 18th year;but it is hardly possible to place beyond dispute the prior date from which we are to calculate this 18th year. In the first place, the Preface assigns the time to the 11th year (note 82); and there is no way that can be admitted of reconciling the two accounts. The general view is that the 11 in the preface is a mistake for 18,but Lin Che-k＇e takes the opposite view, and contents that the 18 in the text should be 11. In the second place, admitting the text to be correct, we find that the standard or common chronology reckons from the 1st year of king Woo＇s accession to the principality of Chow, which it places in B.C.1133. This view is ably argued by Ts＇ae Ch＇in in loc. On the other hand, Gankwŏ said that the 18th year was to be reckoned from king Wăn＇s receiving (as indicated by circumstances) the appointment of Heaven to the sovereignty of the empire. He is supposed to have then changed the style of his reign,—to have begun it afresh with a new ＇first year.＇ Nine years then clapsed, and his work was not completed;—the tyrant was still upon the throne, and Wăn died.

3. "Heaven and Earth is the parent of all creatures;and of all creatures man is the most highly endowed.The sincere, intelligent, and perspicacious among men becomes the great sovereign; and the great sovereign is the parent of the people.

Two years more passed by,—the period of mourning for him; and then king Woo took the field, but it was h tillhehehiseign,hathefter,f4ttttttearearnoaoryycontest between him and Chow-sin was decided. This view is strongly advocated by Maou K＇e-ling, against Ts＇ae and others, in the third Book of his 尚書廣聽錄. But the various data on which it is endeavoured to decide the question are by no means certain;—see a note in the 歷代統紀表, on the date of king Woo＇s birth, under B.C.1168. I must for the present suspend the expression of any opinion of my own on the point.

A controversy, nearly as perplexing, is waged about the time intended by ＇the spring,＇ where we should hardly think there was room for any difference of view.It has been already observed (on ＇The Instructions of E＇ Pt. i., p 1) that while the Hea dyn. began the year t 寅swithheonthpring(theonth),hehangfS1ttmosmbegan it with the last month of winter (the month 丑).The Chow dynasty removed the commencement of the year farther back still, and made it begin with the second month of winter (the month 子). Ts＇ae and a host of followers say that by ＇the spring＇ is intended the months of the Hea year; and this appears reasonable,for however different dynasties might begin their year in different months, they could not change the order of the seasons. The ＇spring＇ of Chow was the same as that of Hea; and if we suppose, as it most natural, that the historian is speaking in the text with reference to the Chow year, then the month intended by ＇the spring＇must be the first month of that season. Gan-kwŏ,however, understands the month intended to be thefirst of the Chow year, and Maou K＇e-ling supports his view. This question will come up again in the course of this and the two next Books.

The place where the declaration was made was Măng-tsin, or at the ＇Ford of Măng;＇—see the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 7. There was there a great assembly of all the princes who already acknowledged the supremacy of Chow, and were confederate with Woo to make an end of the tyrant. Gan-kwŏ says there were the princes of the two thirds of the empire, who had followed the banner of king Wăn (Ana., VIII., xx., 4),and the chiefs of many of the wild tribes;—along with their various hosts.

P.2. Opening of the address. 王曰,—Woo is here styled ＇king,＇ or emperor, by anticipation. Had he been defeated, he would have been ＇a rebel＇; but as his enterprise was crowned with success, from the moment he began to operate against Chow-sin, he was the sovereign of China, and the other was only＇a solitary fellow＇. (獨夫; Pt. III., 4). 我友邦冢君,—Ying-tă says—땢志為友, ＇they were 友, as having the same mind and aim with him.＇ 冢君 is literally ＇highest rulers＇, or ＇great rulers＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇explains the phrase by—各國嗣立껣君, which I have followed in the translation. 越我御事庶士,—越=及,＇and＇; 御=主 or 治, ＇to preside over＇, ＇to manage＇. 御事=治事者, ＇managers of affairs＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇would include the soldiers among the士as well as the officers,—衆士卒; but it is better not to extend the meaning of the term so far in this passage. Medhurst strangely and quite erroneously translates 越我御事 by—＇it has fallen to me to manage these affairs＇.The address begins with 嗟, the exclamation which ordinarily precedes these military speeches.

3. The sovereign is ordained by Heaven and Earth,because of his virtues, for the good of the people.Compare the ＇Announcement of T＇ang,＇ p.2. What is to be remarked here is the style of speaking which is new, and places ＇Heaven and Earth＇ in the place of ＇Heaven＇ simply, or ＇God＇. Woo does not always employ this style. In this same Part he employs both the terms which I have mentioned. There can be no doubt that the deification of ＇Heaven and Earth＇, which appears in the text, took its rise from the Yih King,of which king Wăn may properly be regarded as the author. No one who reads what Wăn says on the first and second diagrams, and the further explanations of his son Tan (the duke of Chow), can be surprised tofind king Woo speaking as he does in the text. 惟人萬物껣靈,—＇it is man who is the most intelligent of all creatures＇.

4. But now, Show, the king of Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts calamities on the people below.

5. He has been abandoned to drunkenness, and reckless in lust. He has dared to exercise cruel oppression. Along with criminals he has punished all their relatives. He has put men into office on the hereditary principle. He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers, pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you, the myriad people.

By 萬物 in the first clause we understand ＇all things＇, inanimate as well as animate; in the second clause we must confine the meaning to animate creatures. The various tribes of animals have their several measures of intelligence, but all are very inferior to men.

Then, as men are superior to other creatures, there appear among them those who are superior to their fellows;—the sages, who are raised up by Heaven, and become the rulers, teachers,—parents, in fact—of the mass. Ch＇in King says on this:—＇Man is one among all creatures. Other creatures, however, get but a portion of the energizing element of nature, while he receive it complete:—it is this which makes the nature of man more intelligent and capable than that of other creatures. But though men are endowed with this capacity and intelligence, there are those who are not able to preserve and maintain it, and there must be the quick-apprehending and understanding ruler to be a parent to them. In this way the people are able all to complete their intelligence. The sage possesses before me that of which I have the seeds in common with himself; and among intelligent beings he is the most intelligent.＇（人者萬物껣一也，物得氣껣偏，人得氣껣全，此人性所以獨靈於物，然人雖有此靈，有不能保此靈者，必得聰明껣君以父母껣，斯民始得以各全其靈，聖人先得我뀞껣所땢然，而為靈껣靈者耳）.

Pp. 4,5. How Chow had forfeited all his title to the empire, and king Wăn had been charged to punish him. 4. 商王受,—I have hitherto called the tyrant of Shang by the name of Chow (紂), after Sze-ma Ts＇een and Mencius. Here and elsewhere he appears as Show, which Ts＇ae says was ＇the name of Chow.＇ Chow is his epithet in history, conferred upon him for his cruelty and wickedness;—see the Dict. on the character (殘忍損義曰紂). Lin Che-k＇e says that 紂 was interchanged with 受 from the similarity of the two characters in sound, but he must be wrong, because Show is here used by king Woo before the tyrant＇s death. 上天下民,—I think these phrases may best be taken as in the translation. 5. 沈洄,—comp. 沈酗於酒, in ＇Two Viscount of Wei＇, p.1. 冒色,—冒 is ＇to go forward with the eyes covered,＇= ＇to pursue blindly and recklessly＇.色=女色. 罪人以族,—＇he crimed men according to their relationships＇. The meaning is as in the translation.The ＇Daily Explanation＇ has:—加罪於人, 不但誅其一身, 並其族屬, 而刑戮껣. Mencius points it out as one of the glories of king Wăn＇s administration of K＇e, that＇the wives and children of criminals were not involved in their guilt＇ (罪人不孥; Bk. I., Pt. II., v. 3). It was one of the principles of Shun that punishments should not be extended to the offender＇s children (Counsels of the Great Yu, p.11). We have seen Yu＇s son, (The Speech at Kan, p.5) and even T＇ang, (The Speech of T＇ang, p.4) menacing their troops with the death of their children, if they did not do their duty. That may have been a measure of war; and Chow carried it into all the penal administration of his govt. To what extent the punishment of relations was carried by Chow, we do not learn from the text. Gan-kwŏ supposes that the parents, brothers, wives and children, (三族) all suffered with the offender.

He has burned and roasted the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wăn reverently to display its majesty; but he died before the work was completed.