第40章

In this account of the time and occasion of this Charge, I have followed the authority of the prefatory note, supported by Gan-kwǒ, K＇ang-shing, and Wang Suh. The Book itself, however, it will be perceived,does not mention the name of the king, and the name of E-ho, by which the receiver of the Charge is called, is only, as will be seen on par. 1, an occasion of perplexity. There was a tradition during the Han dynasty that the Book belonged to a later period,and in Sze-ma Ts＇een＇s history the Charge appears as given, B.C. 631, by king Sëang (襄王) to duke Wǎn of Tsin, who was then the leading prince of the empire.Ma Yung also, we may infer from his explanation of the characters 義和, held this view. There is nothing in the matter of the Charge itself absolutely decisive in favour of either hypothesis. It seems, perhaps, to suit better the relations between king P＇ing and the prince(=marquis) Wǎn than those between Sëang and duke Wǎn.

The Book is found in both the texts.

CONTENTS. The Book is short, containing only four paragraphs, which are divided into three and one by the usual mark of change of subject in the＇Announcements＇ and ＇Charges＇ of the Shoo,—the compiler＇s statement of ＇The king said＇.

The king begins by celebrating the virtue and happy condition of Wǎn and Woo, and the services rendered to the State by the worthy ministers of subsequent reigns. He contrasts with this the misery and distraction of his own times, deploring especially his want of wise counsellors and helpers, and praising prince Wǎn for the services which he had rendered.The Book then concludes with the special Charge by which the king would reward the prince＇s merit in the past, and stimulate him to greater exertions in the future.

P. 1. The king celebrates the virtue of Wǎn and Woo who founded their dynasty, and the happiness of their successors who were assisted by able ministers. 父義和,—＇Uncle E-ho＇. The princes of Tsin, we have seen, were a branch of the imperial House; and hence the king addresses Wǎn as his ＇uncle＇;—see on Book XXIII., p. 6. But Wǎn＇s name, as has been mentioned, was Ch＇ow (仇), so that we are brought to the conclusion that he is here called by his ＇style＇ (字) or marriage designation. Such is the view of Gan-kwǒ. Other explanations of the characters were attempted by K＇ang-shing, and Ma Yung, which may be seen in the 後案. 惟時 (=是, =—是之故) 上帝集厥命於文王,this is the common way of speaking about the origin of the Chow dynasty,—that the divine appointment lighted on king Wǎn. But as king Woo had just been mentioned along with him, as equally virtuous and distinguished, it seems strange that he should be dropt in this important declaration. The truth is that father and son in the persons of Wǎn and Woo were blended together as one founder of the dynasty of Chow. If the appointment of Heaven lighted on Wǎn, it would also have dropt from him to the ground but for the character of Woo. In interpreting the rest of the par. we may begin with the last clause, where the king must intend by 先祖, ＇my forefathers＇, not Wǎn and Woo, but those who succeeded them. The ＇Daily Explanation＇would limit them to Ching and K＇ang, with whom the line of powerful monarchs of Chow may be said to have ceased. But king P＇ing might not have been willing to acknowledge this, and we may suppose that he speaks of his predecessors generally, as having fallen on better times than himself. Explaining 先祖thus of the sovereigns subsequent to Woo, the same individuals are probably intended by 厥辟; and the phrase 先正 denotes ＇their ministers;＇—also generally, without any special application, Wǎn＇s own ancestor,＇the prince of T＇ang,＇ being included among them.Comp the 2d par. of the ＇Keun-ya＇. 謀猷,—see on Bk. XXI., p. 6. =＇懷安, to be tranquil＇. 先祖懷在位=我先祖得安在位.

P.2. The Ring deplores the unhappiness of his own position, himself young and feeble, and the empire chastised by Heaven and torn by barbarian invaders, while he could expect little assistance from his ministers. 嗣造至下民,—Gan-kwǒ, Wang Suh, and Këang Shing, all take 造 as=遭, ＇to meet with＇, so that it governs 天丕衍. This is quite allowable; but when we carry on the regimen of 造 to the next clause,—殄資, 云云, the construction becomes too forced.

Moreover, among the managers of my affairs, there are none of age and experience, and distinguished ability,in their offices. I am thus unequal to the difficulties of my position, and say to myself, ＇My grand-uncles and uncles, you ought to compassionate my case. Oh!If there were those who could establish their merit in behalf of me, the one man, I might long enjoy repose upon the throne.＇

I therefore adopt the view of Ts＇ae, that 造=始, and嗣造=方嗣位之初, ＇just as I have succeeded to the throne＇. 天 is then the nominative to 衍 and 殄. 愆,meaning ＇a fault＇, ＇a crime＇, is here used as a verb,=＇to deal with as a criminal＇, ＇to chastise＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ for 天丕愆 gives 為天所大譴. 資澤於下民,＇the necessaries descending like moistening rain upon the lower people,＇ mean the favours and help which ought to flow from the throne to the people, but which were now cut off. The king is probably referring to his own troubles and the troubles of the people,occasioned by the removal of the capital from Haou to Lŏ-yang. 侵戎我國家純,—the 戎 here naturally leads our thoughts to the western barbarians, and especially to the ＇Dog Jung,＇ who had killed king Yew, and kept possession of Haou. Gan-kwŏ, however, takes the term in the sense of 兵, ＇weapons＇. But whether we take it in that meaning, or as a name, we have to understand a verb like 傷, ＇to injure＇, carrying on the action of 侵戎 to 國家. 純=大, ＇great＇, or ＇greatly＇. 即我至厥服,—耆壽 go together, signifying ＇aged＇, ＇men of years and experience＇. I do not see how we can discriminate these terms, and hence the 俊,= ＇talented,＇stands awkwardly by itself. 服=官 or 職, as in Bk. V.,p. 3. Këang Shing adopts here a reading current in the Han dynasty, and edits:—即我御事, 罔或耆壽, 咎在厥躬, ＇among the managers of my affairs, there are none of age and experience. The evils are on my person＇.This is not liable to the difficulty which 俊 presents in the common reading; but the sentiment does not seem appropriate to the place. 予則罔克,—＇I then am not adequate;＇ i.e., feeble, unsupported; in the midst of calamities, the king felt unequal to the difficulties he had to cope with. 曰惟至末,—the 曰 indicates that the king thus spoke to himself. As Ying-tă says, 私為言. 惟祖惟父 is an appeal to the princes of the same surname with himself. As 父, we have seen, denotes ＇uncles＇,祖 will be ＇grand-uncles＇. The ＇Daily Explanation＇gives for it—爾諸侯有在我祖父之列者. Medhurst has missed the meaning, and renders—＇Of those who have stood before my grandfather and father.＇ Gaubil has missed it in a different way:—＇Quel est done celui qui pourra me tenir lieu de grand-pere et de pere?＇ 伊is here a particle,=惟. We have to suppose a second予一人 as the nominative to 綏. The end of this par.thus corresponds to that of the preceding. Chang Kew-shing observes that the weakness of king Ping＇s character is here apparent. He shows no self-reliance.He has no higher aim than to live quietly and have tranquility in his time.

3. "Uncle E-ho, you render still more glorious your illustrious ancestor. You were the first to imitate the example of Wǎn and Woo, collecting the scatteredpowers, and continuing the all-but-broken line of your sovereign. Your filial piety goes back to your accomplished ancestor, and is equal to his. You have done much to repair my losses, and defend me in my difficulties, and of you, being such, I am full of admiration."

4. The king said, "Uncle E-ho, return home, survey your multitudes, and tranquillize your State.

P. 3. The king acknowledges the services which prince Wăn had rendered, and praises him. By 乃顯祖, ＇your distinguished ancestor＇, we are to understand the princes of T＇ang. He also is intended by the 前文人 below. 汝肇刑文武,—whether we define 肇 by 始,as in the translation, or by 敏, ＇earnestly＇, as Këang Shing does, it seems very extravagant to be comparing prince Wăn to the kings Wăn and Woo. Ts＇ae observes that the principles of Wăn and Woo might be said to be extinct, when the ministers about the court were only such as are described in the last par., but now prince Wăn had begun to lead the way to their revival,(後罔或耆壽俊在厥服, 則刑文武之道絕矣, 꿷刑文武自文侯始, 故曰肇刑文武). 用會紹乃辟會,—=合, ＇to unite＇;紹=繼, ＇to continue＇. But ＇to unite and continue your sovereign＇ is not very intelligible. The meaning is as Ihave given it. P＇ing was a fugitive, and his clain to the throne disallowed, when his father was killed. Then the Jung held possession of the capital. It was owing, he means to say, principally to prince Wăn, that the forces of several princes—which the king might call his forces—were collected, the Jung driven out, and he himself brought back to the throne. 追孝於前文人,—＇with your filial piety you pursue after the former accomplished man＇. The meaning is much the same as that of the former clause, 汝克昭乃顯祖. 汝多修扞我於艱, ＇you have done much to repair and to guard me in difficulties＇. Wang Ts＇eaou says:—修, 完於殘破之後,扞, 禦於侵侮之時.

P. 4. The Charge. 其歸視爾師,—師=眾, ＇multitudes＇,＇people＇. The sending the prince home might be considered a favour, as his attendance on the king in the removal from Haou to Lŏ must have been a service of no little difficulty and fatigue. 用賚爾秬鬯一卣,—to explain the 用,= ＇therefore＇, the ＇Daily Explanation＇introduces in its paraphrase—予嘉汝功, ＇I admire your merit＇. We must suppose some thought in the king＇s mind, which is not expressed in the text. On 秬鬯一卣, comp. the explain of 秬鬯괗卣in Bk. XIII., p. 21.The spirits thus presented to him would be employed by prince Wăn in sacrificing to his ancestor, the prince of T＇ang, and announcing to his spirit the favour conferred on him by the king. 彤=赤, ＇red＇; 盧=黑,＇black＇.

I reward you with a jar of spirits, made from the black millet, mixed with odoriferous herbs; with one red bow and a hundred red arrows; with one black bow,and a hundred black arrows; and with four horses.Go, my uncle! Show kindness to those who are afar off, and help those who are near at hand; cherish and secure the repose of the inferior people; do not idly seek your ease; inspect and compassionate all in your capital, and other cities—thus completing your illustrious virtue."

The conferring on a prince of a bow and arrows was understood to invest him with the power of punishing all within his jurisdiction who were refractory to the imperial commands, but not of taking life without first reporting to the court. See in the Le Ke, Bk. 王制, Pt. ii., p. 19,—賜弓矢, 然後征, 賜鈇鉞, 然後殺. Whetheranything special was denoted by sending to Wăn two bows of different colours, and two sets of arrows, I do not know .柔遠能邇,—see Bk. XXII., p. 8; et al. 簡恤爾都,—都 here is most probably to be understood as used not for the chief city only, but for all the other cities of the State. Ts＇ae, after Gan-kwŏ, makes it=國之都鄙, ＇from the capital to the borders＇. Soo Shih made the 簡 refer to ＇the officers＇ (簡閱其士), over whom the prince should keep a watchful eye, and 恤 to the people, for whom he should exercise a compassionate care (惠恤其民). It is by no means clear to me that this Charge is the appointment of Wăn to be a 方伯, ＇chief of a region＇. That opinion probably arose from the view to which I have referred, that it was duke Wăn to whom the Charge was given.

CONCLUDING HISTORICAL NOTE. In the 51st or last year of P＇ing＇s reign, occurred an eclipse of the sun, Feb. 14, B.C. 719. He is the last of the emperors of the Chow dynasty, with whom the Shoo has anything to do; but the ＇Spring and Autumn＇commences in B.C. 721, with the first year of duke Yin (隱公) of Loo, and continues the history for about two centuries and a half longer.

soIt may b e w ell he re to give a li st oftherestofthevereignsofChow.P＇ingwasthe18th.