第29章

BOOK XVIII. NUMEROUS REGIONS.

BOOK XVIII. NUMEROUS REGIONS.

1. In the fifth month, on the day Ting-hae, the king arrived from Yen, and came to the honoured city of Chow.

2. The duke of Chow said, "The king speaks to the following effect, ＇Ho! I make an announcement for you of the four kingdoms and many other regions. Ye who were the officers and people of the prince of Yin,I have dealt very leniently as regards your lives, as ye all know.

3. You kept reckoning greatly upon some decree of Heaven, and did not keep with perpetual awe before your thoughts the preservation of your sacrifices.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE. The Preface to the Shoo contains the names of two Books now lost, which had their place between ＇The Charge to Chung of Ts＇ae＇and ＇The Numerous Regions＇. The one was styled＇The Government of king Ching＇, and was made on occasion of an expedition of the king to the east, when he smote the wild tribes of Hwae, and extinguished the State of Yen (東伐淮夷遂踐奄).The other had reference to the king＇s removal of the chief or ruler of Yen to the district of P＇oo-koo (蒲姑) in Ts＇e, and was styled 將蒲姑, which we do not know how to translate, being unable, from the loss of the Book, to say how the character 將 should be taken. The Book that now comes under our notice was a sequel to these two, the prefatory note saying that it was made on the return of the king to Haou from Yen (成王歸自奄, 在宗周誥庶邦,눒多方).

Now, the prefatory note to ＇The Great Announcement＇ says that after king Woo＇s death,

whom Woo-kăng and the three uncles of Ching, who had been placed as overseers of him in Yin, rebelled, the wild tribes of the Hwae rose at the same time and made common cause with them. In ＇The Numerous Officers,＇ p. 21, again, the king is made to say to the nobles of Yin, that, ＇when he came from Yen＇, he dealt very leniently with them. The question has been raised whether, in those and other notices, we have intimations of only one expedition against the tribes of the Hwae and Yen, or of successive expeditions. On the lost Book of ＇the Govt. of king Ching,＇ Ch＇ing K＇ang-shing says that the exploits described in it were those of the duke of Chow when he put down the rebellion of his brothers, and that he did not knew how the Book had been arranged in the place assigned to it in the Preface. Këang Shing, Wang Ming-shing,and others, who all but swear to the words of Ch＇ing,would arrange all the Books I have mentioned before＇The Numerous Officers＇. In the standard chronology,moreover, ＇The Numerous Regions＇ is assigned to thefifth year of king Ching, B.C. 1110 (or 1111). On the other hand, Gan-kwŏ maintains that the wild tribes spoken of were not tamed by one visit of the imperial forces. The duke of Chow smote them, he says, and Yen with them, when quelling the rebellion of his brothers and Woo-kăng, but they rebelled again when the duke had resigned the regency, and king himself,probably attended by his uncle, took the field against them; and it was on his return from extinguishing the State of Yen, that the announcement contained in the＇Numerous Regions＇ was made. It is of the operations at this time against the Hwae and other wild tribes, he thinks, that mention is made in ＇The speech at Pe＇.

I am inclined in this matter to adopt the view of Gan-kwŏ. We may conclude from the arrangement of the Books that this was the opinion of the compiler of the Preface. If we may credit what Mencius says,the records of the Shoo do not tell us a tithe of the wars carried on by the duke of Chow to establish the new dynasty:—＇He smote Yen, and after three years put its ruler to death. He drove Fei-leen to a corner by the sea and slew him. The states which he extinguished amounted to fifty＇ (Mencius, Bk. III., Pt.II., ix., 6). I may conclude this note with the remarks of Shoo Shih on the difficulty with which the dynasty of Chow was established. He says:—＇"The Great Announcement", "The Announcement to the prince of K＇ang", "The Ann. about Drunkenness", "The timber of the Tsze", "The Ann. of the duke of Shaou", "The Ann. about Lŏ", "The Numerous Officers", and "The Numerous Regions",—these eight pieces, each having its different subject, yet have all a general reference to the fact that the minds of the people of Yin would not submit to Chow. When I have read "The Great Speech", and "The Completion of the War", I have always exclaimed—＇How easily did Chow take the empire from Yin!＇ But when I read these eight Books,I exclaim—＇With what difficulty did Chow bring Yin to a quiet submission!＇ "The Numerous Regions"was addressed not to the off. of Yin only, but also to those of the other regions throughout the empire;—showing us that it was not the people of Yin only who refused to acknowledge the new sway. One can understand how deep had been the influence of the six virtuous kings who came after T＇ang. Under the tyranny of Show, the people were as if in the midst of flaming fire, and they turned to Chow as water flows downwards, without thinking of the virtue of the former kings. But when the empire was a little settled, they were no longer amid the fires, and their thoughts turned to the seven emperors of Yin, as a child thinks of its parents. Though sages like king Woo and the duke of Chow followed one another with their endeavours to soothe them, their insurrectionary movements could not be repressed. Had the new dynasty not possessed the duke of Chow, it could hardly have been established.—This he knew, and it was this which made him apprehensive, and that he did not dare to withdraw from public life.＇ See the 集傳.

THE NAME OF THE BOOK.—多方, ＇The Numerous Regions＇. The phrase occurs in the 2d par.,and up and down throughout the greater portion of the Book; and hence it is used to designate the whole,indicating that it was addressed to the representatives not of one region, but of many. In parr. 24—29, the phrase 多士, ＇numerous officers＇, takes the place of多邦, and Woo Ch＇ing has removed so much to the former Book;—for which he is hardly to be blamed. ＇The Numerous Regions＇ is found in both the texts.

CONTENTS. The king has returned to his capital in triumph, having put down rebellion in the east, and specially extinguished the State or tribe of Yen. A great assembly of princes and nobles,—the old officers of Yin, and chiefs from many regions besides,—is gathered on the occasion. They are all supposed to have been secretly, if not openly, in sympathy with the rebellion which has been trampled out, and to grudge to yield submission to the rule of Chow. The king,by the duke of Chow, reasons and expostulates with them. He insists on the leniency with which he had dealt with them in the past; and whereas they might be saying that Chow＇s over throw of the Yin dynasty was a usurpation, he shows that it was from the will of Heaven. The history of the empire is reviewed,and it is made to appear that king Woo had displaced the emperors of Shang, just as T＇ang, the founder of Shang, had displaced the emperors of Hea. It was the course of duty for them therefore to submit to Chow.If they did not avail themselves of its leniency, they should be dealt with in another way.

Having thus spoken, the duke turns, at par. 24,and addresses the many officers of the States, and especially those of Yin who had been removed to Lŏ, speaking to them in the style of ＇The Numerous Officers＇. Finally he reminds them all that it is time for them to begin a new course. If they do well, all will be well with them; if they continue perverse, they will have themselves to blame for the consequences.

Ch. I. Pp. 1—12. TIME WHEN, AND PARTIES TO WHOM THE ANNOUNCEMENT WAS MADE.A REVIEW OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE HEA DYNASTY, AND OF HISTORY OF THAT OF SHANG;—TO SHOW THE WAY OF HEAVEN IN THE RISE AND FALL OF THE IMPERIAL SWAY.1. See the introductory note. On 奄 and 宗周, see the notes on Bk. XIV., p. 21. Gaubil observes that whereas the most approved history of the empire refers the date of this Book to the 5th year of king Ching, or B. C. 1111, there really was no day Ting-hae in the 5th month of that year in the calendar of Chow. The correctness of his observation is easily verified, for the Chow year corresponding to B. C. 1111, must have commenced with the cycle day 辛酉. But we have seen (p. 421) that it was in the year B.C. 1098 that the duke of Chow resigned the regency. The next year, B.C. 1097, began, if the calendar was correct,on the 6th cycle day, or 껥巳, and the 5th month must have commenced with the day 굜卯 or 戊辰, so that the day Ting-hae would be the 20th or 21st of it. Gankwŏ arrived at the same result from his view that the day 戊辰, Bk. XIII., p. 29, was the last day of the year. Let these numerical statements have whatever weight is due to them;—they seem to me to show that this Book follows ＇The Announcement about Lŏ,＇ in chronological order, and that we are right in rejecting the early date assigned to it by K＇ang-shing and his followers.

2. 周公曰, 王若曰,—the announcement is thus introduced differently from any that have preceded.＇The Great Announcement＇ for instance begins with 王若曰, though the king could have had little or nothing to do with it. The language of it, like the expedition which it vindicated, was all from the duke of Chow.The compilers of the Books, however, did not think it necessary to prefix a 周公曰, as they have done here. The only reason for the addition in the text at all satisfactory assumes (what I have inferred on other grounds) that this announcement was made after the duke had resigned the regency. The king might then have been expected to declare his sentiments in his own person. He did not do so on this occasion.There were reasons, no doubt, for his not doing so,though we cannot assign them. The duke of Chow was spokesman as before; and to indicate their different positions we have the prefix—＇The duke of Chow said.＇ 猷, 告爾四國多方,—on 猷告, see upon Bk. VII., p. 1. Woo Ch＇ing understands by 四國 ＇all the States in the four quarters of the empire＇ (四方諸國), and by 多方, ＇the people of all the States＇ (諸國껣民). This is ingenious but not satisfactory. 四國多方 stand collaterally, and indicate different regions.The ＇many regions＇ are more extensive than the ＇four States＇, and cannot be taken as embraced in them. We must understand the 四國 as in Bk. XIV., p. 21, of the imperial domain of Shang or Yin, which had been divided into four parts presided over by three of king Woo＇s brothers, and by Woo-kăng, the son of Show.It seems to me absurd to suppose, with Këăng Shing,that Yen was one of the States thus classed together.

Then by 多邦 are intended the princes and people of other regions generally. It is probable the people of Yen, in the rising which had been quelled, had raised the standard of the fallen dynasty, and that the issue of their struggle had been eagerly waited for by the people of the old imperial domain, and of other eastern regions. However that may be, the duke of Chow and other friends of the new dynasty thought the time a fitting one to give another and general exposition of the grounds on which they vindicated for it the sovereignty of the empire. 惟爾殷侯尹民, 云云,—by殷侯, ＇the prince of Yin＇ is denoted Woo-kăng. Këăng Shing takes 殷=眾, so that 爾殷侯尹民=爾諸侯治民者, ＇ye princes of the empire, governing the people;＇but such a meaning of 殷 in this place is very unlikely.Woo Ch＇ing retains 殷 in the sense of ＇the Yin dynasty＇,but takes the clause in the same way as Shing (殷諸侯껣尹其民者), saying that whereas the ＇people＇ were addressed in 爾四國多方, the speaker here rises to address their ＇rulers＇ (誥民땤因及其君). But there is no such gradation of thought in the text, and Ch＇ing＇s exegesis lies under the additional disadvantage of making 惟=及, ＇and＇. The duke of Chow, having called the attention of all in the assembly to what he had to say (告爾四國多方), here turns and addressed himself more particularly to the nobles and people who had occupied the imperial domain of Yin. I understand 殷侯尹民 as=殷侯껣땡官與眾民. The ＇Daily Explanation＇differently:—爾殷侯所尹正統轄껣民. 我惟大降爾命,—see on Bk. XIV., p. 21. I understand the language here as in that previous passage, in accordance with the views of Ts＇ae. Here, however, he supposes that the king says he is sparing their lives a second time, and爾罔놊知, is with him=爾宜無놊知, ＇Be ye all aware of this.＇ But this clause and the former are to me plainly historical, and refer to what is past. Ts＇ae＇s view is fully and clearly expanded in the ＇Daily Explanation＇:—爾……助奄눒叛, 今奄國既滅, 皆當뀪從逆坐誅, 我惟놊忍多殺, 大降恩赦, 宥爾殷民껣命, 爾等宜無놊知껣, 勿復눃二心.

4. ＇God sent down correction on Hea, but the sovereign only increased his luxury and sloth, and would not speak kindly to the people. He proved himself on the contrary dissolute and dark, and would not yield for a single day to the leading of God;—this is what you have heard.

3. This par is the key-note to the Book, and it is right to connect it closely with what precedes. The subject of it is ＇the officers and people of Yin＇, who had deemed the empire belonged to the House of T＇ang by a ＇divine right＇ (天껣命), and did not consider that what Heaven had given, it might and would take away,if there were not the earnest and virtuous discharge of the duties of government. Ts＇ae makes Yen to be the subject of the par. Thus the ＇Daily Explanation＇follows the passage just quoted with—＇And do you know the reason why Yen has perished? The people of Yen presumed greatly on their private views, reckoned on the decree of supreme Heaven, and with evil action rose in rebellion. They used no far-reaching reverent forethought, which would have led then to obey the laws, and rest in their lot, whereby they would have preserved the sacrifices to their ancestors. They have thus suddenly brought destruction on themselves; and do you look to Yen as a beacon, and know that the decree of Heaven is not to be rashly sought or relied on.＇ But why should we suppose that the speaker has here the State of Yen in view? It is mentioned indeed in the 1st par., but that is an addition by the compiler,and Yen is nowhere referred to in the address. It was too insignificant, moreover, to occupy the place which must be assigned to it, if we suppose that the announcement is thus made to turn upon its history.

No similar objections can be made to the view which I have taken. The sacrifices to the emperors of the Yin dynasty were allowed, in the generous clemency of king Woo, to be continued by their lineal descendant Woo-kăng, the son of the tyrant Show; but no sooner was Woo dead, than he and his adherents rose in rebellion against the new dynasty, and brought down new and heavy punishments, though still tempered with mercy, upon themselves. I am surprised that none of the Chinese critics have thus connected the 2d and 3d parr.

Gan-kwǒ joined the 3d par. with the 4th, and supposed that Këě, the last emperor of the Hea dyn., was the subject of it. Këang Shing deals with it very inanely, saying that it is a general declaration,=＇Should kings reckon on the decree of Heaven, and not reverently consult with long forethought, for their sacrifices (王者圖度天命, 땤놊長敬念於祭祀乎?) 洪惟,—see on the same characters in Bk. VII., P. 1.Këang Shing would make them in both places merelya phrase of introduction or exclamation; but we are not reduced to have recourse to such a device.

Pp 4—7. How the sovereignty of the empire passed from the House of Hea to T＇ang. 4. Ts＇ae thinks that some paragraphs introductory to this have been lost,his reason being that it is the custom in the Shoo to precede the account of the downfall of a dynasty because of the wickedness of its last emperor with a reference to the virtuous emperors who preceded him.That is the practice certainly, but the duke of Chow may not have observed it here. We are not obliged to suppose any loss of text. 惟帝降格於夏,—comp. Bk.XIV., p. 5. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ here takes 格=正,慼言於民,—慼=憂, ＇sorrowfully＇, ＇with sympathy＇. 놊克終꿂勸於帝껣迪,—終꿂, in the Analects and Mencius,is used for ＇a whole day＇. Here the phrase= ＇one day＇, ＇a single day＇. Këang Shing has for it 一꿂; and the ＇Daily Explanation＇ gives 終꿂껣暫. ＇He could not for a single day be advised by (exert himself on) the leading of God,＇—the critics dwell on the phrase—＇the leading of God＇, and understand by it the unceasing monitions of conscience,—all the ways by which the heart of man is touched in Providence, which may be described as efforts on the part of God to keep him from evil, and lead him into the way of righteousness.

5. He kept reckoning on the decree of God in hisfavor, and would not promote the means of the people＇s support. By great inflictions of punishment also, he increased the disorder of the States of Hea. The first cause of his evil course was the internal misrule,which made him unfit to deal well with the multitudes.Nor did he seek at all to employ men whom he could respect, and who might display a generous kindness to the people, but he daily honoured the covetous and cruel, who were guilty of cruel tortures in the cities of Hea.

5. Ts＇ae says that most of this par. is not understood by him. He brings out the meaning which appears in the translation, however, and is on the whole more successful in dealing with it than the other critics.The same subject evidently is continued,—the crimes of Këě, which occasioned the overthrow of the Hea dynasty. 厥圖帝껣命,—compare the notes on ＇The Speech of T＇ang＇, p.3.

놊克開於民껣麗,—the expression 民껣麗 has been taken variously. Gan-kwŏ explains 麗 by 施, so that the meaning is—＇that which should be bestowed on the people＇, viz., good govt. and lessons of instruction;and the whole = he could not begin even to govern and instruct the people as he ought. This is very unsatisfactory. In the Yih King (離卦), it is said—꿂月麗乎天, 땡穀草木麗乎土. Këang Shing, taking 麗 there as=附, ＇to be attached to＇, understands the text as= ＇he could not do what would make the people attached to him.＇ Ts＇ae defined the character in the Yin by 依,＇to rely on＇, and not by 附, from which he deduces the meaning of the text which I have given.—Këě made no provision for the necessaries of life among the people, such as food and clothing. 乃大至有夏,—this continues the description of Këě. He is the subject of降. Woo Ch＇ing on the contrary understands ＇Heaven＇as the subject of 降, and makes the clauses descriptive of the punishment of Këě. 因甲至於旅,—the critics are all agreed that by 內亂, ＇internal disorder＇, we are to understand the vile debaucheries of which Këě was guilty in his connection with Me-he (see pp. 170, 171).With Ts＇ae, Woo Ch＇ing, and others, I take 甲=始,＇to begin＇, and 因 is equivalent to a noun, the subject of 甲. K＇ang Shing and Wang Suh both took 甲 as=狎, or 習, but they do not account for the 因. Equally unsatisfactory is the exegesis of Gan-kwŏ, who takes甲 as if it were 夾. With 靈承於旅, comp. Bk. XIV.,p. 13, 我周王丕靈承帝事. Here 旅 is taken, by all the critics except Woo Ch＇ing, as =眾, ＇all the multitude of the people＇. The only difficulty in so taking it is with 承, which would so be applied to describe the act of the superior to his inferiors,—which is contrary to its common usage. feeling this, Ch＇ing takes 旅 as denoting the sacrifice to God which was so called (see the dict. in voc.), who takes the clause as = ＇he could not attend well to the sacrifice to God.＇ But this is so far-fetched that it is better to acquiesce in the other view, even with the difficulty attaching to it.罔丕至於民,—I have translated here after the ＇Daily Explanation＇, which has:—無能大進賢人땤敬뇾껣, 使大布寬舒껣澤於其民. There is little to choose between this and the view of Ts＇ae and Woo Ch＇ing:—＇Nor could he make great approaches towards the virtue of reverence in which he might have shown a generous largess of heart to the people＇ (놊能大進於恭, 땤大寬裕其民). Gan-kwŏ gave quite a different meaning to the second clause:—＇Nor could he greatly advance to the virtue of reverence, but was very indifferent and idle in governing the people＇ (大舒惰於治民). Këang Shing read 荼 instead of 舒, and interprets:—＇The greatly false were employed by him, and put into offices, to the calamity and bitter suffering of the people＇ (誣罔大者, 惟進껣任, 使供職, 大為患苦於民).

6. Heaven on this sought a true lord for the people,and made its distinguishing and favouring decree light on T＇ang the Successful, who punished and destroyed the sovereign of Hea.

7. Heaven＇s refusal of its favour to Hea was decided,and it was because the righteous men among your many regions were not permitted to continue long in their posts of enjoyment, and the many officers whom Hea respected were quite unable to maintain an intelligent preservation of the people in the enjoyment of their lives, but on the contrary aided one another in oppression, so that of the hundred ways of promoting prosperity they could not advance one.

惟有夏至末,—叨=饕, ＇to be gluttonous or greedy＇, ＇to covet＇; 懫, i.q. 懥=忿, ＇to be angry＇, ＇resentful＇. 劓割夏邑,—comp. in ＇The Speech of T＇ang＇, p. 3. 率割夏邑. 劓,＇to cut off the nose＇, is better translated here generally.Këang Shing reads 氏 after 夏, on the authority of the說文; but the meaning which he gives to the whole is very far-fetched.—＇The people also under the rule of Hea, suffering the oppression of greed and cruelty, longed more every day to see the kingdom of Hea cut off.＇ Only one searching for strange meanings could attempt to draw this from the text.

P. 6. 時=是. 天惟時求民主=天惟是껣故求可為民主者.7 .惟天놊畀純=天껣놊畀於桀 (=夏) 者大矣, ＇Heaven＇srefusal of its favour to Këě, (or Hea) was great and decided.＇ The rest of the par. explains why Heaven thus withdraw its favour. We have in Bk. XVI., p. 9, an opposite declaration of Heaven＇s favour to Shang,—天惟佑純命. It is well to take 純 in the same way in both passages, as meaning ＇determinate＇, ＇decided＇. 爾多方껣義民義民,—, ＇righteous people＇,=＇賢者, men of virtue and ability＇. They are called ＇of your many regions＇, i.e., the many regions of the empire. We can lay no stress on the 爾, ＇your＇. 永爾多享,—＇long in much enjoyment＇= ＇long in the enjoyment of their offices＇. Këang Shing says:—놊能長久多享祿位, 言桀놊任賢.놊克明保享於民,—＇could not understand to preserve and secure enjoyment for the people＇. The use of 享,and the 於 before 民, render the language obscure, but the meaning seems to be what I have given. The ＇Daily Explanation＇ gives for it—놊能明達治體, 뀪保安享有國家껣民, ＇they could not understand the art of govt. so as to secure their tranquil enjoyment (=possession) of the people of the empire.＇

8. ＇In the case indeed of T＇ang the Successful, it was because he was the choice of your many regions that he superseded Hea and became the lord of the people.9. He paid careful attention to the essential virtues ofa sovereign, in order to stimulate the people, and they on their part imitated him, and were stimulated.

10. From him down to the emperor Yih, the sovereigns all made their virtue illustrious, and were cautious in the use of punishments;—thus also exercising a stimulating influence over the people.

Ying-tă quotes the view of Too Yu (杜預) to the same effect, making 享=受, ＇to receive＇;—see the註疏. Këang Shing defines 胥 by 皆, ＇all＇. It is equivalent to ＇all＇, but with the further meaning of＇mutual＇ cooperation. 至於땡為, 大놊能開,—Gankwŏ connected the former of these clauses with the one preceding.—＇They aided one another in oppression, even in a hundred different ways.＇ The last four characters are then simply an addition to the indictment.—＇And they were greatly unable to initiate any plan of good＇ (大놊能開民뀪善). It is better to connect the clauses together as I have done. The 놊克開 leads us back to 놊克開於民껣麗 in p. 5, and the meaning comes out as in the translation.

Pp. 8—12. The empire gained by the virtue of T＇ang, and maintained by that of his successors, was finally lost by the wickedness and misgovernment of Show. 8. It is only in the interpretation of the intermediate clause of this par.,—克뀪爾多方簡, that there is a difference of opinion. We may translate it＇on the ground of being chosen by your many regions;＇and the meaning, as stated by Yaou Shun-muh (姚舜牧), is that ＇Heaven, in seeking a lord for the people,simply followed the choice of the many regions＇ (天求民主, 蓋從多方껣所簡耳). Gan-kwŏ and Këang Shing translate, however,—＇was able among yourmany regions to choose the worthy.＇ But this is forcing a meaning, much more than the other construction, from the characters themselves, nor is the sentiment so suitable to the tenor of the Book. 9. We ought surely to take 麗 here as in p. 5. Ts＇ae, however, makes, 厥麗to be= ＇what he depends on＇, i.e., the essential virtue of a sovereign, or benevolence.

刑=法, ＇to imitate＇, ＇to find a pattern＇. Gan-kwŏ takes it in the sense of ＇punishment＇.—＇His people, though he might punish them, were stimulated to virtue!＇ The student will mark the force of the 乃 and the 뇾 in the two clauses. And yet, such is the peculiar character of the Chinese language, that the critics interpret 뇾 in the next part. quite differently. 10. 明德慎罰,—see Bk.IX., p. 3. The assertion made here about the sovereigns of the Shang dynasty down to Yih, must be taken with large allowance.

11. When they, having examined the evidence in criminal cases, put to death those chargeable with many crimes, they exercised the same influence; they did so also, when they liberated those who were not purposely guilty.

12. But when the throne came to your late sovereign,he could not with the good will of your many regions continue in the enjoyment of the favouring decree of Heaven.＇ "

13. "Oh! the king speaks to the following effect,＇I announce and declare to you of the many regions,Heaven had no set purpose to do away with the sovereign of Hea, or with the sovereign of Yin.

14. But it was the case that your ruler, being in possession of your many regions, abandoned himself to great excess, and reckoned on the favouring decree of Heaven, making trifling excuses for his conduct.

11. 要囚,—see on Bk. XI., p. 11. It is strange to find this specified with reference to the emperors; but so it is in the text. 開釋無辜,—comp. in ＇The Counsels of Yu＇, p. 12, 與其殺놊辜, 寧눂놊經. 12. By 爾辟, ＇yoursovereign＇, we are to understand Show. 뀪爾多方should be interpreted with reference to the 뀪爾多方簡of p. 8. The critics have all overlooked this.

Ch. II. Pp. 13—16. HOW THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE EMPIRE, HAVING PASSED FROM HEA TO YIN, BY THE WILL OF HEAVEN, PASSED AGAIN FROM THE TYRANT SHOW TO THE PRINCES OF CHOW. 13. The critics have much to say on the manner in which this par. begins,—the repetition of 王若曰, and the 嗚呼, which precedes. But what can be said to the purpose, more than that the duke of Chow chose thus to speak? Very strange is the method of Këang Shing, who makes the 嗚呼an exclamation concluding the previous paragraph. 庸釋,—=庸뇾, 有心껣謂也 (Ts＇ae), our ＇on purpose＇, ＇with premeditation＇; 釋=去껣, ＇to put away＇, ＇to remove＇. By有夏 and 有殷, we are to understand Këě and Show.The removal of them, however, was equivalent to theoverthrow of their respective dynasties. 14. 爾辟=爾君, ＇your sovereign＇ referring to Këě. —＇—뀪爾多邦,byon the ground of—your many regions.＇ Këang Shing gives:—＇relying on the multitudes of your many regions＇. —=＇屑有辭,屑, as in p. 22,輕, lightly＇,＇triflingly＇. Compare in Bk. XIV., p. 5, 大淫泆有辭. 15.Here the speaker turns again to Këě, the representative of the Hea line (有夏).

15. And so in the case of the sovereign of Hea;—his schemes of government were not of a tendency to secure his enjoyment of the empire, so that Heaven sent down ruin on him, and the chief of your State entered into the line of his succession.

16. Indeed, it was the case that the last sovereign of your Shang was luxurious to the extreme of luxury,while his schemes of government showed neither purity nor progress, so that Heaven sent down such ruin on him.

17. ＇The wise, not thinking, become foolish, and the foolish, by thinking, become wise. Heaven for five years waited kindly, and forbore with the descendant of T＇ang, to see if he would indeed prove himself the true ruler of the people, but there was nothing in him deserving to be regarded.