8. "The king says, ＇O Fung, in our western regions, the princes of States, the managers of affairs, and the youths, who in former days assisted our ancestor, were able to obey the lessons of king Wăn, and indulge in no excess of spirits; and so it is that I have now received the appointment which belonged to Yin.＇ "
9. "The king says, ＇O Fung, I have heard it said that formerly the first wise sovereign of Yin manifested a reverential awe of the bright principles of Heaven, and of the lower people, steadfast in his virtue, and holding fast his wisdom.
正事之臣,—Woo Ch＇ing takes this as=有正有事之臣, with reference to par. 4; but the context makes it more natural to take the phrase as= ＇ministers doing right service＇. 天若元德,—若=＇順, to accord with＇, equivalent to ＇to approve＇. The critics all call attention to the various relaxations of Wăn＇s original rule, that spirits should be used only for sacrifices. They say that we have in them an instance of prohibition by permission (不禁之禁). Soo Tung-po says:—＇Spirits are what men will not do without. To prohibit them and secure a total abstinence from them is beyond the power even of the sages. Here, therefore, we have warnings on the evils of drunkenness in the abuse of them, and the joy that is found in the virtuous use of them is set forth;—such is the way in which the sages lay their prohibitions upon men＇ (see the 集說). Ch. II. Pp. 8—17. THE KING, ADDRESSING FUNG D IRECTLY, S HOW S HIM THE CONSEQUENCES OF TEMPERANCE AND INTEMPERANCE RESPECTIVELY, IN THE DYNASTY OF YIN; AND REQUIRES HIM TO ILLUSTRATE, INCULCATE, AND ENFORCE HIS LESSONS IN MEI. 8. How the fortunes of Chow had risen by obedience to the lessons of king Wăn. 놖西土至小子,—the 棐徂 make this passage very perplexing.棐 is taken as=輔, ＇to assist＇ and ,徂=往, ＇gone by＇, ＇of the time past＇. The two characters are best joined as descriptive of the parties immediately enumerated,—as in the translation. Gan-kwŏ and Lin Che-k＇e suppose that 文王 is the nominative to 棐, which then govern 邦君, &c—놖文王놇西土, 輔訓往日國君, 云云.This is very unnatural. 尚=庶幾, as in the last par. The peculiarity of its use here is that it is all historical. 9, 10. The example of various virtue, and especially of temperance, afforded in the prosperous times of the Yin dynasty. 놖聞惟曰,—Ying-tă gives for this—놖聞於古, 所聞惟曰. 迪畏天顯小民= ＇walked in the fear of Heaven and of the people＇. Compare the ＇T＇ae-këa＇, Pt. iii p 1 .,..自成王咸至於帝乙,—咸, as it now stands,=徧,＇throughout＇. Some would place it after 乙, in which position it would= ＇all＇.
From him, T＇ang the Successful, down to the emperor Yih, the sovereigns all completed their royal virtues,and revered their chief ministers, so that their managers of affairs respectfully discharged their helping duties, and dared not to allow themselves in idleness and pleasure;—how much less would they dare to indulge in drinking!
10. Moreover, in the exterior domains, the princes of the States of the How, Teen, Nan and Wei, with their chiefs; and in the interior domain, all the various officers, the directors of the several departments, the inferior officers and employees, and the Heads of great Houses, with the men of honoured name living in retirement, all eschewed indulgence in spirits. Not only did they not dare to indulge in them, but they had not leisure, being occupied with helping to complete their king＇s virtue and make it more distinguished, and helping the directors of affairs reverently to attend to the service of the sovereign."
Yin was the father of the tyrant Show, himself the 27th emperor of the dynasty. We may admit with Mencius, II., Pt. I., i., 8, that between T＇ang and Woo-ting, the 20th of the line, there were six or seven good sovereigns;—the statement in the text is a grand exaggeration. 成王畏相=成就君德, 而無隕越之憂, 敬畏賢相, 而無驕肆之失.
厥棐有恭,—＇in their helping had reverence＇. The 有恭 is best understood by reference to Mencius, IV., i.13,—責難於君謂之恭. 崇飲,—崇=尚, ＇to value＇,= ＇toindulge in＇. 10. 外服, 內服,—by the 內服 we are to understand, of course, the 王畿, or ＇imperial domain＇. It would appear that an arrangement of the ＇domains＇, akin to that which obtained under the Chow dynasty, had come, during the dynasty of Yin to supersede the older one introduced by Yu;—see the figure on page 149. By 侯, 甸, 男, 衛, we are to understand the princes of those domains; and by 邦伯 the presidents of those princes (諸侯之長伯). 百僚=百官之僚屬,—＇allthe officers belonging to the various departments＇.庶尹=庶官之長 what are elsewhere called the正 ＇the Heads of the various departments＇. 惟亞,—亞=次꺶夫,＇officers of the second degree＇. 惟服,—服=奔走服事之人, ＇petty officers who had to run about discharging their duties＇. 宗工=尊官, ＇honoured officers＇. Woo Ch＇ing described them as 王朝公卿꺶夫, 꼐王子弟食采邑, 為꺶宗者. This is probably correct, and I have translated—＇Heads of great Houses＇. I take 百姓里居together, and understand 百官 by 百姓.
11. ＇I have heard it said likewise, that in these times the last successor of those kings was addicted to drink,so that no charges came from him brightly before the people, and he was reverently and unchangingly bent on doing and cherishing what provoked resentment.Greatly abandoned to extraordinary lewdness and dissipation, for pleasure＇s sake he ruined all his majesty. The people were all sorely grieved and wounded in heart, but he gave himself wildly up to spirits, not thinking of ceasing, but continuing his excess, till his mind was frenzied, and he had no fear of death.
Officers of distinguished name, who had retired because of age from the public service, are intended.助成王德顯=助成人君之德, 而使之益顯. The 助extends also to the next clause, so that it=亦助尹人,使之祗敬君事, 而不꿁怠. Other explanations of this clause have been proposed, but it does not seem worthwhile to discuss them. 尹人=御事, above.
12. The drunkenness of Show, and its issues. The놇今後嗣王, of course, is Show. 酣 is defined by 樂酒, ＇being fond of strong drink＇. It is often used to denote a state short of gross intoxication, but we are not to think of that modified signification here. Woo Ch＇ing explains 酣身 by 酣酒於身. We might translate it literally—＇was a drunken body＇. 厥命至不易,—the translation of this part is after Gan-kwŏ and Ts＇ae, the latter of whom explains:—昏迷於政, 命令不著於民其所祗保者, 惟놇於作怨之事, 不肯悛改. Woo Ch＇ing construes difftly, but it seems to me with moreconstraint of the text:—其命令之出, 無땣明於民之當祗保, 꼐民怨之不易弭, ＇When he issued his commands,he showed that he did not understand how he ought to reverence and cherish the people, and when they resented his conduct, he would not change or stop it.＇ 誕惟至威儀,—於非彝=於非法, our ＇extraordinary＇.Ts＇ae refers in illustration to 作奇技淫巧, 以悅婦人, in the ＇Great Speech＇, Pt. iii., p. 3;—see the account of Show＇s debaucheries on pp. 269, 270. 民罔至畏死,—衋=痛, ＇to be grieved＇, ＇to feel sad and sore＇. The 惟 in不惟自息=思, ＇to think of＇; and the 乃, which follows=仍. Këang Shing says well:—不思自止息, 仍然淫泆, 乃之言仍껩.
His crimes accumulated in the city of Shang, and though the extinction of the dynasty of Yin wasimminent, this gave him no concern, and he wrought not that any sacrifices of fragrant virtue might ascend to heaven. The rank odour of the people＇s resentments,and the drunkenness of his herds of creatures, went loudly up on high, so that Heaven sent down ruin on Yin and showed no love for Yin,—because of such excesses. There is not any cruel oppression of Heaven;people themselves accelerate their guilt, and itspunishment.＇ "
12. "The king says, ＇O Fung, I have no pleasure in making you this long announcement; but the ancients have said, "Let not men look only into water; let them look into the glass of other people."
疾狠= ＇angrily wrangled＇. 辜놇至於天,—商邑probably means the capital of Show, and 殷國= ＇the dynasty of Yin. 罹=憂, ＇sorrowful＇. In 弗惟, 惟=思,—as in 不惟,above. 誕惟至놇上,—the 誕惟, like the same characters in the previous part of the par., indicate that what follows was attributable to Show. 自酒= ＇abandoning themselves to drink＇.
惟逸=以紂淫泆故, ＇because of these excesses of Show＇. There is a difficulty with the concluding clauses. All through the par., the speaker has been dilating on the wickedness of Show, and suddenly it seems to be said, at the end, that the ruin of the dynasty was the work of ＇the people＇. Ts＇ae would interpret 民 of Show and his ministers, according to the analogy of 先民 in ＇The Instructions of E＇, p. 5. Këang Shing takes 民 as=冥, and says—꺶降喪亡, 天非虐껩, 惟冥冥昏亂, 自召辜爾. Other methods to lighten the difficulty have been tried. In the translation, I take民 as=人, ＇men＇, ＇people＇ generally.
13. How the house of Chow should see its duty in the history of Yin. The meaning of 뀬不惟若茲多誥, is probably what appears in the translation. Ts＇ae and Këang Shing bring it out by taking 惟=徒, ＇vainly＇, i.e., merely for the sake of talking. The ＇Daily Explanation＇puts it—뀬豈好為是多誥哉. 古人有言, 云云,—inillustration of this saying, Këang Shing quotes, aptly enough, a fragment of the lost Book of Shang which was called ＇The Punitive Expeditions of T＇ang＇ (湯征):—湯曰, 人視水見形, 視民知治不. 놖其可不꺶監撫於時,—this is to be understood in interrogatively. Gankwŏ took 撫=撫安, in which he is correctly followedby Ts＇ae, whose expansion of the whole is very lucid:—놖其可不以殷民之失為꺶監戒, 以撫安斯時乎.This is much better than, with Këang Shing, to take 撫=循, ＇to follow＇, ＇to accord with＇. and 時=是, referring to the good ways of the sovereigns of Yin before Show.
Now that Yin has lost its appointment, ought we not to look much to it as our glass, and learn how to secure the repose of our time?
13. ＇I say to you,—Strenuously warn the worthy ministers of Yin, and the princes in the How, the Teen, the Nan, and Wei domains; and still more, your friends, the great Recorder and the Recorder of the interior, and all your worthy ministers, the Heads of great Houses; and still more, those whom you serve—with whom you calmly converse, and who carry out your measures; and still more,
His words are:—놖其可不監於是, 撫於是乎, 監, 監紂껩, 撫, 循껩, 謂循商先王之道껩, 時是껩, 指謂殷.
P. 13. Fung is required to take home to himself the lessons about temperance, and to enjoin them on the princes and officers in his jurisdiction. 汝劼至男衛,—劼用=力, ＇strenuously＇. 獻臣=賢臣. These were good ministers of the former dynasty, who were still retained in their former offices under Fung. As 孟侯, or＇Head of the princes＇, his authority extended also over the princes of the portions of the domains that were under his jurisdiction. He should strenuously warn them,—on the subject, of course, of abstaining from intemperance. —太史友, 內史友,the duties of the 太史and 內史, with other officers of the same department, are described in the Chow Le, Bk. XXVI., 春宮, 宗伯,第三之굛. They were very honourable and extensive,and such as brought them into frequent contact and consultation with the 太宰 or prime minister (＇grand administrateur general＇ Biot). It is said in general that the 太史 had the management of what Biot calls ＇the six constitutions (六典), the eight regulations (귷法), and the eight statutes (귷則)＇. Those six constitutions were the various departments of the administration,—of rule, of instruction, of ceremonies, of prescripts, of punishments, and of business; the regulations and statutes embraced all connected with the working of those departments. The 內史 again had the management of ＇the eight powers or prerogatives＇ of the emperor (掌귷柄之法). These duties branched off into a great variety of minor functions. The 史 kept all the records which were to be appealed to in connection with them, so that we may consider them as having been confidential secretaries and advisers of the prime minister Biot calls the .太史, ＇le grand annaliste＇, and 內史, ＇I＇annaliste de I＇interieur＇. I prefer to call them＇recorders＇, as being a more general term. The various princes had their ＇grand Recorder＇, but the ＇Recorder of the interior＇ belonged, it is maintained, only to the imperial court; and the individual mentioned in the text is supposed, therefore, to have been the old minister of the court of Shang, now superseded under the new dynasty and living in Wei. However this may be, it is said that the two Recorders were ＇friends＇ of Fung. As men of research and ability and general good character, he would so cherish them.
獻 (=賢) 臣, 百宗工,—we must suppose these, in distinction from the 獻臣 above, to be those appointed under the existing dynasty. Or, acc. to the view of Woo Ch＇ing, we may suppose that they were good men,Heads of infiuential families, who were not in office,and are called 臣, in the same way as every individual in the empire is supposed to be a 臣 of the sovereign.
those who are, as it were, your mates,—your minister of War, who deals with the rebellious, your minister of Agriculture, who is like a protector to the people, and your minister of Works, who settles the boundaries;and above all, do you sternly keep yourself from drink.
14. ＇If you are told that there are companies who drink together, do not fail to apprehend them all, and send them here to Chow, where I may put them to death.
爾事, 服休, 服采,—the translation here follows the view of Ts＇ae. He supports his explanation of 事 by ＇to serve＇, from the passage of Mencius, V., Pt. II., vii., 4, where Tsze-sze is introduced as saying, 古之人有言曰,事之云乎, 豈曰友之云乎, ＇The ancients have said, "The scholar (or virtuous officer) should be served;"—how should they have merely said, "He should be made a friend of?"＇ This view of 事 being adopted, 服休=坐而論道之臣, ＇ministers who sit (by their princes) and discourse to him about principles＇, and 服采=起而作事之臣, ＇ministers who rise and perform the business(of their prince)＇. 服休 is ＇to serve in hours of ease;＇服采, ＇to serve in active business＇. I have hesitated between this view, and that given by Woo Ch＇ing:—爾事=服事於爾者, 꺶夫껩, ＇those who serve you,—your great officers;＇ 服休=職之優閑者, ＇those whoseoffices where comparatively easy, and allowed of leisure;＇ 服采=職之繁劇者, ＇those whose offices were more bustling and troublesome＇. Gan-kwŏ took a difft. view which is quite inadmissible. He says:—汝身事, 服行美道, 服事治民, making Fung himself, in the discharge of his duties, the subject. This cannot be right. K＇ang-shing had still another view, in which he is followed by Këang Shing, acc. to which the whole=＇the employés,—these who are near to you in festivals and leisure, and those who are near at audiences and sacrifices＇ (汝之執事, 服職於燕息, 꼐朝祭之臣). Thisdiversity of opinion serves to show how uncertain the meaning is. 圻꿵, ＇the controller of boundaries＇,=司馬, ＇the ministers of War＇. This meaning is determined h ttsbyhedeiheookheheing,ii.,fS14BKPtttartonowhere it is said—祈 (=圻)꿵, 뀬王之爪牙. This being determined, it follows that 農꿵=司徒, ＇the minister of Instruction＇; and 宏꿵=司空, ＇the minister of Works＇. These were the ＇three high nobles＇ (三卿), belonging to the court of one of the princes. They were the highest in authority, and might be considered as their prince＇s＇mates＇ (疇匹). 薄 (read pŏh)=迫. 薄違=迫逐違命者. The minister of Instruction is called 若保, ＇the harmoniouspreserver＇. The promotion of agriculture, which supplies the statt of life, being within his province, he is thus denominated. The minister of Works is called 定辟, ＇the settler of rules＇, i.e., the decider of all questions about the settlements and tenements of the people. Këang Shing would take 辟 in the sense of 君, which does not seem at all applicable here. 剛制於酒=剛果用力自製酒.
Pp. 14—16. By what rules obedience to the king＇s injunctions against the use of spirits were to be enforced. 14 .汝勿佚,—佚=＇失, to fail＇. The punishment here threatened is so far beyond the crime, that the critics fall upon various devices to explain it, or to mitigate the force of the language.
15. ＇As to the ministers and officers of Yin, who have been led to it, and been addicted to drink, it is not necessary to put them to death;
16. —let them be taught for a time. If they keep these lessons, I will give them bright distinction. If you disregard my lessons, then I, the one man, will show you no pity. As you cannot cleanse your way,you shall be classed with those who are to be put to death.＇ "
17. "The king says, ＇O Fung, give constant heed to my admonitions. If you do not manage right your officers, the people will continue lost in drink.＇ "
First, the coming together in companies to drink is supposed to carry with it the design of their assembling, as being not merely to drink, but, under the cloak of that, to plot against the govt. Second, the 其 in 뀬其殺 is taken to indicate uncertainty. The king would examine for himself into their guilt, and according as he found they had treasonable designs would put them to death. If they really only met to drink, he would infiict on them some lighter penalty. I have allowed the second remark by using the ＇may＇ in the translation. The former remark may also be correct. If it be not so, we cannot account for the difference of spirit between this and the two next paragraphs. 15. 又惟殷之迪諸臣惟工=今殷之諸百工, 其素為商紂導引為惡者. Këang Shing says that 惟 in 惟工 is superfiuous. We hardly know what to do with it. 16.有斯明享=商之諸臣果땣遵놖教訓之辭, 存之於心而不忘, 놖則顯揚之, 而享之以爵位,—as in the translation.This is forcing a meaning out of the words. The mostthat can be said for it is, that it is more likely than any other construction which has been proposed. K＇ang-shing took 斯 as=析, which Këang Shing adopts. He has:—又늁析其明用놖教者, 獻之, 古者諸侯有獻士於天子之制. 乃不用, 云云,—the king here turns to the officers of Yin who should persist obstinately in theirdrunkenness and other evil ways, and addresses them directly .弗蠲乃事,==不땣潔汝舊染之汙. 時是 or 於是.
P. 17. Concluding admonition to Fung. 勿=不; it is not imperative. 辯=治, ＇to rule＇. Fung was specially to direct his efforts to discountenance drunkenness in the officers,—the higher classes. If he could not succeed with them, his efforts with the lower classes would be vain.
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